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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  M580 

(716)872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliugraphically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag^e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^e  et/ou  pellicul6e 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  inic  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  da  la 
distortion  la  long  de  la  marge  int6rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouttes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  film6es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires; 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvd. '^  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  nor>'iiale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


Th 
to 


I      I    Coloured  pages/ 


y 


D 
D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  andommagdes 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaurtes  et/ou  pellicul6es 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe< 
Pages  d^coior^es,  tachet6es  ou  piqudes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 


r~1  Pages  damaged/ 

I — I  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

rri  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 


Show:hrough/ 
Transparence 


I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  inigale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppidmentaire 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  film6es  d  nouveau  de  fa9on  d 
obtenir  la  meiileure  image  possible. 


T^ 

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SI  Til 

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14X 

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18X 

mail 

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sous 
22X 

26X 

30X 

J 

12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

The  copy  filmed  here  hee  been  reproduced  thenks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 


L'exempiaire  fiimA  fut  reproduit  grAce  d  la 
ginirositA  de: 

La  bibliothdque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 


The  images  eppearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  iteeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exempiaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  cople'<  In  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimie  sont  filmis  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  termlnant  soit  per  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmAs  en  commengant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'illustration  et  en  termlnant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  —»>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernlire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
film6s  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6>  11  est  fiimd  d  partir 
de  I'angle  supirleur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


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ADDRESS. 


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me  tmiirjigntd  Mmhert  pftht  Hwfe  »f  R^rtfintaihitt  U  their  f9JP4fihfi 

Cotjlkwu,  \' 

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s 

A  Republic  has  For  its  bafis  the  capacity  and  right  of  the  pefplo  Y«  ' 
tgoTcrn  themftlves.    A  m^in  principle  of  a  repFtftntattTe  rcpmiUc  is  ji* 
Ine  icfpoofibilitT  of  the  reprefentativei  to  their  conftituenM*    Freedona  * 
and  publicity  of  debate  are  eflential  to  the  pr^fenration  of&chfonns 
of  government.    Every  arbitnur  abridgment  of  the  right  offpeech 
in  reprefentativest  is  a  direA  infhngement  of  the  liberty  of  the  pioplcn 
Every  nnnecfflSuy  concealment  of  the:«'|Ntoecedings  an  approximation 
towardk  tyranny.    When*  by  fyfttniitii:  ndea,  a  mkjoricy  takes  to  it* 
felf  the  right,  af.  its  pleafure,  of  limiting  fpeech»  or  denying  it,  alto*  - 
J  getherj  when-fecret  feffions  multiply ;  and  in  proportbn  to  the  impor«' 
tance  of  qne(|ions,  is  the  ftadioas  concealment  of  debate,  apec^lemt^ 
be  aflUred,  tfat:,  C^ch  jpraAices  <contintting»  their  freedom'ul>tttlhcHl^ 
lived.  , 

RffifeAionSfluch  as  thefe,  haire  been  forced  upon  die  attenUon  of  tho 
•tindcrfigned.  Members  of  the  Honft  of  Reprefentatives,  of  the  Units  J 
Sutes,  by  the  events  of  the  prefent  feflion  of  C«ngrefs.  They  have 
witnciieda  principle,  adopted  as  the  law  of  the  Hoim»by  ^bich,  nndev 
a  novel  application  of  the  previous  queftion,  a  power  is  aflbmed  by  th* 
majority  to  deny  the  privilege  of  Speech,  at  any  ftage,  and  ander  a^y 
4:ircttmftance8(^  debate.  And  recently,  by  an  unprecedented  aflhmp- 
tion,  the  right  to  give  reafons  /or  an  original  motion,  has  been  madB^ 
to  depend  upon  toe  will  of  the  nuiority*  -^ 

Principles  more,  hoftile  than  the&  to  d^e  exlftence  cl'teprefentative 
liberty,  cannot  eafily  be  conceived.  It  is  cot,  however  on.thli!e  aoceunts* 
weighty  as  they  are,  that  the  underligned  have  undertaken  thin  addrefs. 
A  (abjed  of  higher  and  more  immediate  importance  inipdsihcm  t#^ 
-theprefent  du^. 

T^he  awmentoa^iicrftion  of  war,  with  Great  BritaiB,  is  decided.  On 
this  topic,  fo  vital  to  .your  iptcrefts,  the  right  of  public  debati^'in  die 
face  ei*  the  world  and  d^cially  of  their  conftituents,  haf  bejn  denied  to 
your  reprefentathres^  They  have  been  called  into  feoret  feffio^,  on  this 
moft  intereflingof  alt  your  public  relations,  although  the  cintuiutftancca 
of  the  time  ana  of  the  3ta^«a,.afiorded  no  one  rea&n  for  fecrecy,  unlefii 
it'be  found  in  the  anprchfltnfion  of  die  effeft  of  public  dd«ite^  on  public 
opinion  ;  or  of  public  opinion  on  the  refult  ol^  vote. 

ExcepfcthemeinwcofthePrKfident  of  the  United  States,  which  is 
tiow  before  die.  pttbHc,'npkhing  confidential  was  commww&ted.  That 
mefliige  ^ntained  no  £ift^  att  previooily,  known.  Mo  one  italbn  for 
^ar  was  ^intimated*  bat  fucb  as  was  of  .-a  natute  public  and  notorious* 
The  intention  to  w^ge  war.and  invade  Canada,  had  been  les^  fines  o- 
penlyavoereii^The  objeftof  hoftile  menace  had  been  (sAentatiov^ 
•announced.  The  inadequacy  of  both  our  army  ai^ navy,  tar  (bcceis* 
.■^ul  invafioi^  and  the  infdfllaency  of  the  fortincations*for  dieliicurilf 
Mf -ottf  (eubqtrd  Wtfi««  «Ttry  idiczt^  JUowa.    YiH  the  doan  tf  CoitfftSt 


"  '.y-'. 


,  V.' 


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^rc  (hot  upon  tlw  people."  They  narebeeo  carefully  kept  in  ignoranc« 

of  the  progrefs  of  meafaret|  until  .^j^.i^^qrpofes  of  adminiftratioa  were 

confummated,  ai.d  the  fate'bf  the'  country  fealed.    ^n  a  (ituatioti  fo  ex< 

traordinaryi  ^e  underfigi^ed  have  deeiped  it  their  duty  by  no  ad. of 

^thelrt  to  ihnlQidii  a  proceeding,  fo  flovel  and  arbitrary.    Oh  the  contra. 

Tj,  they  made  jsvery  attempt  in  their  power,  to  attain  publicity  for  their 

proceedings   .AUfpch  attempts  were  vain.     When .thi«,  momentous 

*^fubj<ift  >iras  ftated,  as  for  debate }  they  demanded  that  the  doprs  (hpu)d 

^^^'t'^opeited.  ■■■•'":■ 

'^    Tjiisbejrn^refn/ed,  they*  declined  difcailion  {being  perfeAly convine- 
V  *\id,  from  iodjicaupns,  toaplkin  to  be  mifunderftobd,  that,  iA  the  houfe, 
''^mll  argUnifnt,'  with  clgfed  Hfocirs,  was  hopelefs  i  and  that 


aof  z&,  gir- 


/iV^    'Truf'w 


.,^.  »• 


7 
^Ipelledi  re!ttaaii^fto'ivf(tt  to  this  public  declarati6noffyc]h  views  of 

"'^he  ((ateabd  relatioins  of  the  cbiintty,  as  determinecl  their  j^rlgment  smd 

'^%ote  tUpcfn  the  queftioii  of  war^     A  meauTure  of  this  kiqd  has  appeared 

^  fe  the  undcrfigned  to  be  t^ort  Imjperiduiny  dein^nded,  by  the  circum* 

fis^ce  of  a  meflage  and  jnanitefto  being,  prepared*  'and  circulated  at 

^-^bli^'  ei^Hincb,  in  whicb  the  caufca  fdr.  war  wrte  eAumerated  and  t|l>e 

*Snottve^:fpr'it  cbiicentJrated,  iti  a  manner  ftited  to  asitate'anid  influence 

'ithe  public  mind     In  executing  tj^is'taik,  it  will  be.^e  ftudy  of  tiie  un- 

'^il^em^ed  tq 'reconcile  the  gr^at  duty»  they  bwe  to  ^e  people,  with  that 

^Seoh^itutidnal'Tefped,  which  is  dvce  to  the  adminiftiators  of  public  con- 


■^^cer'n*'; 


'Ih  e6lf^enc!ng:  this  vltir  of  our  affairs,  the  ttndeirfigned  would  fail 
*ih  dii'V  tlieihfclvesi  did  they^  reftafti  frbm  recui;ring  to  the  courfe,  in  re- 
lation to  public  measures,  whielrthey' adopted  iand  have  undeviatingly 
'  puirlnedn'bm  thecbnimencfcm'ent,  of  tVisIong  and'jr.ventfulfeffioni,.in 
♦%lneh  llt^  dfeHberatdy  fsnpHficjed  eyery  minor,  confideration.  to»  what 
,/*<ihey  deei:ied,th^-bcft  interfeftspf  the  country. 
IM,.  Fora-fti^feffiahof  ycarst^fc'underiigned  have  from  principle  difap* 
proved,  a  fezies  of  |-e^iAio;Qs  jupon  comjnierce,  according  to  their  efti« 
^ihaucAtfi  liMfficient  sisve/^l^atd  fbfeijgn^natibns  aiid  injurious,  chiefly^  to 
*' oiiffdVill;  '  Sncci^  in  iue  (yfteiioiy'liad  become  id^n^ifiedwlth^^ 
the  cha#fl|Qer>  aihd  the  'hOj^  i6f  ottr^cibillet-    iAs  iinatvi^l  with.m^ 
'i»rho lia^» Ik^great  ftake.depirtidin^  on  the  fucceik of  a  faVofite  theory* 
|)ert7hacityTeeifa(^  to  in^eale  99^  its  hbpele^efs  became  apparent.    As 
>  the  ineiSctenoy  of  this  fyftemconld  hot  be  admitted,  by  its  advocates, 
without  enibrin^  itf  t^bandpnAient,  iU  fuccefs  was,  carj^fully  attributed 
to  the  influence  of  op|*pfttlon.    '  " 

To  thiscaufe  the  pecple.were  t^ght  to  cfiarge  its  fucce^ive  failurea 
^j  «nd  not  to  its  iii[trihtlc  imbeciiity.V  In  this  flateof  things  l^e  underfign- 
cd  deetuedit  f^ippe^*  to  talce  away  all  apolo^  for  a^erence  to  this  op- 
preffive  fyftem.  They  were  defirous^  at  i  period-  to  critic^  in  |>ubUo 
Afiairs,  as  ht  as  was  cpnfiftent  with  yic  in4ei^j|ien<:e  of  opinion^tp  con. 
.  tribute  to  the  reftpration  ol'Bannbfldy  inlJliejpl^i^icoaiw^lS^sin^^ 
amdnglHKpeojdef.  Ati<{  if  any  a^imtage  could  be  thus  pbtaineid  in 
*tir  forelttiteladons,  the  und(;i^fi««4  i^S  SPS^S^***  W  49  purppfe 


V) 


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i« 


ef  perioral  or  party  advancement,  would  rejoice,  in  fuch  an  oecur- 
,  rence. 

The  courfe  of  public  meafurcs  alfo,  at  ihe  opening  of  the  Teflioi),  g^vo 
hope  that  an  enlarged  and  enlightened  fyftem  of  •Jcfence,  with  proviuon* 
for  or  fccurity  of  nut  maritime  rights,  was  about  to  be  conmicnced.  A 
porpofe,  which,  wherever  found,  they  deemed  it  their  duty  to  foiler,  hy 
giving,  to  any  fyltem  of  meafures,  thus  comprehenfive,  as  unobttru<<ted 
a  cObrfe  ai  was  confiftent  with  their  peneral  fenfe  of  public  duty.  Af« 
ter  a, courfe  of  policy,  thus  liberal  and  conciliatory,  it  was  caul'c  of  re. 

5 ret  that  a  communication  (hould  have  been  purchafed  by  an  unprece- 
ented  expenditure  of  fccret  fervice  money ;  and  ufed,  by  the  chief 
fnagiftrate,  to  diflfeminate  fufpicion, and  jealousy  ;  and  to  excite  relent* 
ment,  among  the  citizens,  by  fuggcftine  imputations  againd  a  portion 
of  them,  as  unmerited  by  their  putriotilm,  as  unwarranted  by  evitjence. 
It  has  always  been  the  opinion  of  the  underfigned,  that  a  fyftem  of 
peace  was  the  policy,  which  mod  comported  with  the  charaAer,  condi- 
tion, and  interefl  of  the  United  States     That  their  rcmotenefs  froni 

.the  theatre  of  conted,  in  Europe,  was  their  peculiar  felicity  and  that 
nothing  but  a  necefllty,  abfolutely  imperious  (hould  induce  them  to  enter 
as  parties  into  wars,  in  which  every  conflderation  of  virtue  and  policy 
fcems  to  be  forgotten,  under  the  overbearing  fway  of  rapacity  and  am< 
bltior..  There  is  a  new  era  in  human  affairs.  The  European  world'  is 
convulfed<  The  advantages  of  our  own  lituatlon  are  peculiar.  '•  Why* 
^uit  our  own  to  dand  upon  foreign  ground  i  Why,  by  interweaving  ojur 
dediny  with  that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and  piof- 
perity  in  the  toils  pf  European  ambition,  rivallhip«  intercdi,  humour,  pv 
caprice  ?'* 

.  In  addition  to  the  many  moral  and  prudential  conHdcrations,  which 
ihonld  deter  thoughtful  men  from  hadening  into  the  perils  of  fuch,a 
war,  there  were  iome  peculiar  to  the  United  States,  refulting  from  th& 
texture  of  the  government  and  the  political  relations  of  the  people.  ^ 
formof  government,  in  no  fmall  degree  experimentaU  compofed  of 

.  powerful  and  independent  fovereigntics  afTociated  in  relations,  fome  of 
which  aie  critical,  as  well  as  novely  fliould  not  be  halliiy  preoipttat;?d 
into  fituations,  calculated  to  put  to  trial,  the  drength  of  the  mor^l 
tond,  by  which  they  are  united  '  Of  all  dates,  that  of  War,  is  mod 
nicely  to  call  into  a^iyity  tne  pafHons,  wh^ch  are  hpdile  and  dange  ops 

,  to  fuch  a  form  of  government.    Time  is  yet  impoitant  to  our  country 

;  to  fettle  and  mature  its  recent  inditutions.  Above  all,  it  appeared  to 
the  underfigned  fron^  figns  not  to  be  midaken,  that  if  we  entered  up- 
dn<this  War,  we  did  it  .as  a  divided  people  ;  not  only  fro,m  a  fenfe  of 
tlie  inadequacy  of  our  means  to  fuccefs,  but  from  moral.and  political 
.objections  of  great  weight  and  very  general  influence. 

It  appears  to  the  underfigned,  that  the  wrongs,  of  which  the  Unit« 
ed  States  have  to  complain,  although  in  foihe  afpe^s,  very  grievous  to 
our  intereds,  and  in  many,  humiliating  to  our  pride,  were  yec  of  a  na- 
ture, which,  in  the  prefent  datJe  of  the  world,  either  would  not  iudi^y 
war,  6r  whiih  war  wonld  not  remedy.  Thus,  for  indance,  the  marejr- 
jng of ^ritilhvefrels upea our cQ^i and th,9 occaHopal  infuIu.{pt.o^r 

f^ajhinjifoa,  .        . 


■  ■  i<i^ 


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^^>^<^^//  m 


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"»..*,,  .^,-..-  ' 


Ij^'tf* 


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■-'X -r'"^;. 


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s<^:: 


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HI- 


poit<»  Imperiouflf  demanded  fuch  t  (Vfteniatie  Mplication  of  harbor 

«nd  fea  coaft  defence,  as  would  repel  fuch  aggremont,  but.  in  no  light* 

>*:  can  they  be  confidered  a>  makiog  a  refort  to  war,  at  the  prefent  timet 

.    *  on  <he  pitr*  of  the  United  Statci»  either  neceHfarx,  or  expedient.    8* 

,  ^(  alfo,  with  refpeft  to  the  Indian  war,  of  the  origin  of  which,  but  rerf 

v '  f  mpcrfcA  information  has  as  yet  been  given  to  the  public.    With#u 

•f^  any  exprel's  aA  of  Congrefs,  an  expedition  was,  laft  year*  fet  on  fool 

^  and  profecuted  into  Indian  territory,  which  had  been  relinquiflie4  bf 

.'treaty*  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.    And  now  we  are  told  about 

;' !  the  agency  of  Britifli  traders,  a$  to  Indian  hoftilities.    It  defenrcs  con- 

'  "  fidcraiion,  whether  there  has  been  foeh  prevident  attention,  as  wouM 

i^^  have  been  proper  to  remove  any  caufe  of  complaint,  either  real  or  iui* 

'''"  aginary,  which  the  Indians  might  alledge,  and  to  fecure  theh-  frietd* 

v'lhip.    With  all  the  fympathy  and  anxiety  excited  by  tlie  ftate  of  that 

'  frontier  ;  important  as  it  may  be,  to  apply  adequate  means  of  pro* 

'  tcAipn,  acaieft  the  Indians,  how  is  its  iafety  enfiired  iby  a  declaration 

I  Hofwar,  which  adds  the  Britifli  to  tlie  number  of  enemies  ? 

[      As  '*  a  decent  refpeft  to  the  opinions  of  mankifid"  has  not  induce' 

f'-  the  two  hnufes  of  Congrefs  to  concur  in  declaring  the  reafons,  or  mo- 

'  ^,  tives,  for  their  enaAing  a  declaration  of  war,  the  underfigned  and  the 

^   public  are  left  to  fearcn,  eliewhere,  for  caufes  either  real,  or  oftenfible. 

1  ]f  we  are  to  conflder  the  PreAdisnt  of  the  United  States,  and  the  com- 

.    nittee  of  the  houfe  of  Repreiiestatives,  on  foreisn  relations,  as  fpeaking 

''7«n  this  folemn  occafion*  for  Congre^,  tke  Xfriited  States  have  three 

,:  principal  t(^ics  of  complaint  againft  GreAt>liritain.   In^>refrments  ;■— 

Y  t>lockades ; — and  orders  in  council. 

.^^  Concerning  the  fubjeA  of  impreHVaents,  the  linderfigned  fyrapathize 
f '  *with  our  unfortunate  ieamen,  ^e  victims  of  this  abuK  of  .power,  and 
*'  participate  in  the  national  fenfibility,  ontheir  account  They  do  not 
'?  conceal  from  themfelves,  both  its  importance  audits  difficulty  ;  and 
•,'.<  they  are  well  aware  hover  ftubbom  is  the  will  and  bow  blind  xht  vifioa 
,V  «f  powerful  nations,  when  great  interefts  grow  into  controverfy. 

But,  before  a  refort  to  war  for  fuch  interefts,  a  moral  nation  will 

'  conflder  wliat  is  juft,  and  a  wii'e  nation  what  is  expedient.    If  the  ex* 

«rcife  of  any  ri^ht  to  the  full  extent  of  its  abllraft  nature* 'be  inconfift- 

tent  with  the  fafety  of  another  nation,  morality  feems  to  require  that,  ia 

pra&ice,  its  exeretfe  ftiould,  in  this  refpef<A,  be  modified.     If  it  be  pro. 

pofed  to  vindicate  anty  right  by  war,  tvitfdom  demands  that  it  fliould 

'  he  of  a  nature,  "by  war  to  be  oljtained.    The  interefts  conneAed  with 

''"  the  fubjedls  of  in^preflments  are  unqueftionably  great  to  both  nations. 

And  in  the  iiill  extent  of  abftraA  right  as  alTeBtediby  each,  perhaps 

II  reconcilable.  * 

The  government  of  the  United  States  ailerts  ihiO.  the  broa<i  prihoi^ 
pie  that  the  flag  of  their  merchant  veifcls  Aall  proteA  the  marriners. 
This  privilege  i^  claimed,  although  every  perfon  on  board,  except  the 
capt<tir«  may  be  an  alien. 

The  Britifi)  government  aflferts  that  the  allegiance  of  their  AibjeAs  ii 
inalienable,  in  time  of  war,  and  that  their  fearaen,  found  on  the  fea,  the 
common  highway  of  nationsi  fliali  not  be  prot.oAed,  by  the  fli^  ofpdi- 
Ttfate  merchant  VeiTeJs. 


■'•*'-'-^-    ■'   *  ■'»■!*■ 


^—  a^-  — •  -  ^;.'-^w^i.w>* 


■iiiaft  'iT^MtM.'. 


'  I  h  ^'•  ' '  ii"'i  tri"  *^r  *^i  I  liii'ltiiiiMigji 


^    F 


.,'    *■■■ 


•-/''  '':'•■.' 


•-«'•.  :n. 


-//V 


?f*. 


The  underfigntd  deem  it  unneccfliiry  here  to  difirafs  the  queftion  of 
ibt  Amaicanr  cUim,  for  the  Immunity  of  their  Rig.  But  they  connot 
yefrain  from  Tiewing  it  as  a  principle,  of  a  nature  very  broad  and  com* 
prchenfive  t  to  the  abufe  of  niiich,  the  temptations  are  ftrong  and  nu. 
merous.  And  they  do  maintain  that,  before  the  calamities  of  war,  in 
vindication  of  fuch  a  principle  be  incurred  all  the  means  of  nesociation 
Ihould  be  exhaufted,  and  that  alfo  every  praAicable  attempt  loould  be 
made  to  regulate  the  exercife  of  the  right,  fo  that  the  acknowledged 
injury,  refuTting  to  other  nations  (houTd  be  checked,  if  not  prevented. 
They  are  dcany  of  opinion  that  the  peace  of  this  happy  and  rifing 
community-  fhould  not  be  abandoned,  for  the  fake  of  affording  facilities 
to  cover  French  property  ;  or  to  employ  Britifh  feamen. 

The  claim  of  Great  Briuin  to  the  (brvfces  of  her  feamen  is  neither 
novel  nor  peculiar*  Th*  doArine  of  allegiance  for  whidi  (he  contend* 
fa  common  to  all  the  goveinments  of  Europe.  France,  as  well  a» 
England,  has  maintained  it  for  centuries.  Both  nations  claim,  in  time 
•f  war  the  ferviice». of  their  fubicAs,  Both  by  decrees  forbid  them  en* 
Uring  into  foreign  employ.    Both  recall  them  by  proelamittion. 

Ko  man  can  doubt  that  iin  the  preient  ftate  ofthe  Fi-ench  marine,  if 
American  merchant  veflels  were  met  at  fea,  having  French  feamen  oa 
board,  that  France  would  take  them.  Will  any  man  believe  that. the 
United  States  would  go  to  war  againft  France,  on  this  account  i 

For  very  obvious  reafons,  thi«  principle  occafioxu  little  collifion  with 
Fr«nce,  or  with  any  other  nation,  except  England  !  With  the  EnglifH 
nation  the  people  m  the  United  States  aredofely  afllhiulated,  in  blood, 
language,  tntercourfe,  habits,  drefs,  manners  and  charaAer.  When 
^  Britain  is  at  war  and  the  United  Sutes  neutral,  the  merchant  fervice 
of  die  United  States,  holds  out  to  Britifb  feamen,  temptations  almoft 
irrcfiftaUe  ;  high  wages  and  peaceful  employ,  infte%d  ofltw  yngtn 
and  war«fervicc  ;*-ilirfety,  in  lieu  of  hazard  }  entire  independience,  iu 
theplace  of  ^uiJUfied  fervitodc. 

lliat  Englttod  whofe  fituation  is  infular,  who  is  engaged  in  a  war, 
apparently  ror  exiftetice»  whoie  itamen  are  her  bulwark,  (hould  look, 
apon  the  effed  of  our.  principle  upon  her  (afety,  with  jdonfy,  is  inevi> 
Cable  )  and  that  (he  will  not  lnutard  the  pradical  conft4.  nces  of  it9 
unregulated  exercife,  is  certain.  The  queftion,  therefore,  prefented,  dt- 
reftly,  fwthe  decifion  of  the  thoughtful  and  virtuous  mind,  in  this 
,  country,  if«^hether  war,  for  fixeh  an  abftrad  right  be  j,uftifiable,  be-i 
fiweattemptinff  to  gaaed  againft  its  injurious  tendency  by  legiilative  re* 
guIatioQ  in  iauure  of  treaty. 

A  dubious  right  fliould  be  advanced  with  faefitatilon.  Aq  extreme 
right  fhould  be  a/Krted  with  difcretion.  Moral  duty  requires,  that  a 
nation,  befbra  it  appeals  to  arms,  ihould  have  been  not  only  true  to  it* 
i<^  but  that  it  (hoald  baTC  £uled,  in  no  duty  to  others.  If  the  exer- 
cift  of  a  rishtt  in  an  unregulated  manner,  be  in  eficA,  a  Aandiag  invl.. 
taiion  to  the  fubjiafts  of  a  foreign  power  to  become  defcrters  and  trai* 
tors,  U  it  no  oijnry  to  that  power  ^   ' 

Certainly,  moral  obligation  demands  that  the  right  of  flag,  like  all 
«ther  humaii  rights  fhoiud  be  fo  ufed,  as  that,  while  it  proteAs  what  i^^ 
««r  owif  if  iho^d  90;  injury  ig;]^(  |s  999Ui<q['s>    In  a  pmAical  tIctv'» 


\f. 


■r^-y.-- 


■  <!  r' 


'A  J<i; 


W7 


i 


Vi 


V 


tnd  fo  lonj;  at  the  righe  of  flag  ii  reftnuncJ»  by  na  fcffard  to  the  tttt* , 
deniable  inter«fti  of  otheri»  a  war  on  account  of  impre^cntit  ii  onljf 
a  war  for  the  right  of  employing  Briiilh  feamcni  on  board  Amcricaa 
merchant  vefleU. 

The  claim  of  Great  Britain  pretends  to  no  further  extent  than  to  take 
Briti/h  feamen  from  oriratc  merchant  TeiTels.  In  the  eiercife  of  thii 
claim,  her  oflicers' take  American  feamen,  and  foreign  feamen,  in  th* 
American  fervice  ;  and  although  (he  dirdHims  fucb  abufes*  and  pro(> 
fers  redrefs,  when  known,  yet  undoubtedly  grievous  injuries  have  refult- 
ed  to  the  fv<amcn  of  the  United  States.     But  the  qued'or.  is,  can  war  b# 

S roper  for  fuch  cauA*  bcfofe  all  hope  of  reafnnable  accommofWtioa 
as  failed  ?  Even  after  the  cxtinguiuiment  of  fuch  hope,  can  it  be  prio' 
per,  until  our  own  practice  be  fo  regulated  as  to  remove  in  fuch  forcigo 
nation,  any  reafonable  apprehenfion  of  injury. 

The  undcrfigned  are  clearly  of  opinioii  that  the  employment  of  Br{« 
tifli  feamen,  in  the  merchant  fervice  of  the  United  States,  is  as  little  re< 
concilable  with  the  permanent,  as  the  prefent  IntereAs  of  the  United 
States.  The  encouragement  of  foreign  f<;amen  is  the  difcouragement 
of  the  native  Amtrican* 

The  duty  of  government  towards  this  valuable  elafs  of  men,  ii  not 
only  to  protedl,  but  to  patronize  them.  And  this  cannot  be  done  more 
cffedually  than  by  fecuring,  to  American  citizens  the  privileges  of  A* 
snerican  navigation. 

The  queftion  of  impreflment,  like  every  other  queftion  relative  to 
coromercehas  been  treated,  in  fuch  a  maimer,  that  what  was  pofleflcd 
is  Ibft  without  obtaining  what  was  fought.  Pretenfions,  right  in  theO« 
ry,  and  important  in  intereil,  urged,  witliout  due  confideration  of  our  re« 
lative  power,  haVe  eventuated  in  a  praAical  abandonment,  both  of  what 
we  hoped  and  what' we  enjoyed.  In  attempting  to  fpread  ov^r  flag  over 
foreigners,  its  diftihAive  cbaradler  has  been  loft  to  our  own  citizens. 

I'he  Amv'rican  feaman.whofe  intereft  it  is  to  have  no  competitors,  in 
bisempIovment,isiacrificed,  that  Britifh  feamen  may  have  equal  pri* 
vileees  with  himfelf.  .         . 

Ever  finee  the  United  States  hare  been  a  nation  this  fubje^t  hat  beeik 
a  matter  of  complaint  and  negotiation  ;  and  every  former  adroimftra* 
tion  have  treated  it  according  to  its  obvious  nature,  as  a  fubjeA  rather 
for  arrangement  than  for  war*  It  exifted  in  th«  timie  of  Wafliingtdnu. 
yet  this  father  dfbis  country  recommended  no  Aich  refort.  It  eziftcd 
m  the  time  of  Adams,  yet  notwithftanding  the  zeal,  in  fnpportof  our 
maritime  tights,  which  diftingufhed  his  adminlftration,  war  wa|  ixev^r 
fuggeftedbyhini,  as  the  remedy.  During  the  eight  yeara  Mr.  Je£Fer- 
fon  flood  at  the  helm  of  affiiirs,  it  ftitl  continued  a  fvibjeA  of  ^codtrover* 
fy  and  negotiation  ;  bt|t  it  was  nev^r  inade  a  caiiie  .for  war.  It  w^S*" 
referved  for  the  preient  adminiftration  tbprefs  this  teipic  to  the  extreiss 
and  moft'^readml  refort  pf  nations  ;  although  England  has  offioially 
difavewed  the  right  of  impreflment,  as  it  refpeAs  native  citizens^  and 
an  arrangement  might  well  be  madC)  confiften;  with  the  lait- pretenfions 
of  fuch  as  are  naturalized.  ' 

That  the  real  Aate  of  this  qoeftion  may  be  underftood^  the  under* 
ligned  recur  to  thefpHowing  fa4b  as  fupport^  by  official  documents* 


r'''f.i> 


f^ 


\ 


^v-  ■ 


¥ 


Mr.  King  when  minifter  !n  Sngtand,  obtained  a  dlCiivowal  ofthtt  Bt!e« 
illi  government  of  the  right  to  imprefi  ••  America  feamen,"  naturall- 
zcd  as  well  as  natives,  nn  the  high  leas.  An  arrangement  had  avanc- 
cd,  nearly  (o  a  concUifion,  upnn  this  bafis,  and  was  liroken  off  onlfi  be* 
caufe  Great  Br.tain  iulifted  to  retain  the  right  on  "  the  narrow  fcas." 
What,  howi'ver,  was  the  opinion  of  the  American  minirtcr,  on  the  pro- 
bability ofan  arrangement,  appears  from  the  public  documents,  com- 
municated to  congrcfs,  in  the  feflion  of  1808,  as  dated  by  Mr.  Madi- 
fon,  in  the'e  words,  *'  at  the  moment  the  articles  were  cxpefteil  to  be 
figncd,  an  exception  of  "  the  narrow  feas"  was  urged  and  infiftcd  on 
by  i^ord  St.  Vincents,  and  being  utterly  inadmifllble  om  our  part,  the 
ncgoci.ition  was  abandoned." 

Mr  King  feems  to  be  of  opinion,  however,  "that,  with  more  time 
tha^  was  left  him  for  the  experiment,  the  ubjedlion  might  have  be«A 
overcome."     What  time  v/as  left  Mr   Kitg  for  the  experiment,  or 
whether  any  was  ever  made  has  not  buen  difclofcd  to  the  public.     Mr. 
King  foon  aft^r  returned  to  America  :     It  is  manifeft  from  Mr.  King's 
cxpreflfion  that  he  was  limited  in  point  of  time,  and  it  is  equally  clear 
that  his  opinion  was  that  an  udjudment  c«uld  take  place.     That  Mr. 
Madifon  was  alfo  of  the  fame  opinion  is  demondrated,  by  his  letters  to 
Mclfrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney,  dated  ihe  3d  of  February,  1807,  in  wliich 
he  ufcs  thcfe  expreiHons.     "  I  take  it  for  granted  that  you  have  noC 
failed  to  make  due  ufe  of  the  arrangement  concerted  by  Mr.  King  witk 
Lord  Hawkfbury,  in  the  year  1IS02,  for  fettling  the  qucftion  of  imprcir* 
,  ment      Ob  that  ccca/ion  •nd  under  that  ^dwiniJiratUmt  the  Lritj/If   pmndph 
'  *U)a  I  fairly  renmncea  in  favor  oj  tht  tight  ofourjlag^  Lord  Hanuk/hury  bav» 
f*"S  f'gf'f'^  f^  P''>f'i^itj^'t''fJI*'if'*ft  ort  the  highjiatf'*  and  Lord  St,  Vincents 
requiring  nothing  i^ore  than  an  exception  of  the  narrow  feas,  an  ezcep* 
tion  refting  on  the  obfolete  claim  of  Great  Britain  to  fome  peculiar  do- 
minion over  them."     Here  then  we  have  a  full  acknowledgement  that 
Great  Britain  was  willing  to  renounce  the  right  of  LoiprefTment  on  tfie 
high  feai,  in  favor  f  f  our  flag  }  that  (he  was  anxious  to  arrange  tlie 
(ul^eft.  'A:''H  '*'■ 

It  further  appears  that  the  Britifli  tnlnfftry  called  for  an  inter* 
tiew  with  Meflis.  Monroe  and  Pinkney,  on  this  topic  ;  that  *htf 
ftatsd  the  nature  of  the  claim,  the  King's  prerogative  :  that: 
they  had  confulted  the  crown  officers  and  the  bovd  of  admiralty*  who 
all  concurred  In  fentimtnt,  that  uader  the  circumftances  of  the  nation 
the  relinquiniment  of  the  right  was  a  meafure,  which  r.he  government 
could  not  adopt,  without  taking  on  itfclf  a  refponlibiiity,  which  h» 
miniftry  would  be  wilting  to  meet,  however  preffing  the  exigency  Might 
be.  They  offered,  however,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  to  pafs  laws 
making  ic  penal  for  Britifli  commanders  to  imprefs  American  ciiiizenif 
on  board  of  American  veiFels,  on  the  high  feas>  if  America  would  pafji 
a  law,  making  it  penal  for  the  officers  of  the  United  States  tA  grant  cer- 
tificates of  citizenship  to  Britini  fubjeds.  This  will  be  foundt  in  tho 
fame  documents,  in  a  letter  from  Meffrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney  to  Mr. 
Madifon,  dated  1 1  th  November,  1806.  Under  their  peremptory  in- 
ftruftions,  this  propofitiun,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain*  could  not  be 
acceded  to  by  our  ninifters.    Suchi  however,  was  the  tamper  Aud.  aax* 

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isty  of  England,  and  fucli  the  candor  and  good  fenfq  of  bur  miniflersi 
thvX  an  htnorable  and  advantagious  arrgngetfunt  did  take  place.  The  au< 
tkoiity  of  Mr.  Monroe,  then  nitniOer  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain^  no^^ 
£|ecretary  of  State,  and  one  of  the  prefent  adminiftration,  who  have  re< 
•otnmended  war  with  England,  and  afllgned  impreflVnents  as  a  caufe, 
fupports  the  underfignad  in  aHcrtlng,  that  it  was  honorable  and  advan« 
tegeous  :  for  in  a  letter  from  Richmond  dated  the  28th  of  February^. 
1808,  to  Mr.  Madlfon,  the  following  exprefllons  are  nfed  by  Mr.  Men- 
roe,  "  I  have  on  the  contrary  always  believed  and  dill  do  believe  that 
the  ground  on  which  that  intereft  (impreiFment)  was  placed  l^  the  pa- 
per of  the  Britifli  Commiffioners  of  8th  November,  1806,  and  the  ej^» 
planation  which  accompanied  it,  was  both  honorable  and  advantageous  tc 
the  Untied  States,  that  it  contained  a  concefllon  in  their  favor  on  the, 
part  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  great  principle  in  conteftation,  never  be- 
fort  made  by  a  formal  and  obligatory  a<ft  of  their  government,  which 
.♦'as  highly  favorable  to  their  inteceft." 

With  the  opinion  of  Mr.  King  fo  decidedly  eiprcfled,  with  the  offi» 
cial  admifllnn  of  Mr.  Madifon,  with  the  explicit  declaration  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  all  concurring  that  Great  Britain  was  ready  to  abandon  im- 
preHment  on  the  high  feas,  and  with  an  honorable  and  advantageous- 
arraneam^nt,  a(fhiaTly  made  by  Mr.  Monroe*  how  can  it  be  pretended, 
that  all  hope  of  fettlement,  by  treaty,  has  failed  ;  how  can  this  fubjeft;;'' 
furniih  a  prrper  cawfe  of  war  ?  f 

With  refpedt  to  the  lubjeft.:of  blopkades  ;  the  principle  of  the  law  o^f; ' 
nations,  as  averted  by  the  United  States,  is,  that  a  blockade  can  onl/;^ 
be  iudiiied  when  fupported  by  an  adequate  force.     In  theory  this  prim 
ciple  is  admitted  by  Great  Britain.    It  is  alleged,  however,  that  m 
/r<jif?«f^,  Ihe  difregardsth  It  principle. 

The  order  of  blockade,  which  has  been  made  a  fpec^fic  ground  of  "< ,' 
complaint,by  France,  is  that  of  the  16th  of  May,  1806.  Yet  ftrange 
as  it-  may  item,  this  order,  which  is,  new,  made  one  ground  of  war  be'* 
tween  the  two  countries  was,  at  the  tiihe  of  its  firft  ifluing,  viewed  as 
an  aA  of  favor  and  concilia.tion.'  On  this  fubje<5l;  it  is  neceflary  to  be 
explicit.  The  vague  and  indeterminate  manner,  in  which,  the  Ameri. 
can  and  French  governments,  in  their  official  papers,  fpeak  of  this  or- 
der of  blockade,  is  calcuTated  to  miilead.  An  importance  is  attached 
to  it,  of  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  underfigned,  it  is  not  worthy, 
Xtet  the  fadts  fpeak  for  themftlves. 

In  AuguR,  1804,  tiie  Briti(h  edablilhed  a  Iilockade  at  the  entrance 
of  the  French  pons,  naming  them,  from  Fecampi  to  Ollend ;  and  fro»>. ;,, 
their  proximity  to  the  Britiih  coaflis,  and  the  abfence  of  all  complaint,   ' 
we  may  be  peimitted  to  believe  that  it  was  a  legal  blockade,  enforced 
according  to  the  ufages  of  nations.     On  the  16th  of  May,  1806,  the 
Englifh  Secretary  of  9tate,  Mt.  Fox,  notified,  to  our  Mintfter,  at  Lon- 
don, that  his  government  had  thought  fit  to  dire^  neceffary  meafures 
to  be  taken  for  the  blockade  of  the  coafts,  rivers  and  ports,  from  tlie    , 
river  Elbe  tc  the  riyer  Br^ft,  both  incliifivei*" 


,v-  ',■■ 


^■^■ 


*  The  ternw  of  the  or<!er  are  thcfe ;  "  That  the  fa!i  coaft,  rivers,  aad  ports  mufti 
Me  cotrfidercd  a<  blockaded,"  bat*'  that  fvch  blockade  fliall  not  extend  to  prcvatic 
mutral  (hips  and  vciT  k-  '^dch  with  s;oo<if,  not  beip^the  property,  of  bit  M'ififly>* 


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In  point  ^f  fifl,  as  the  ^crms  ufcd  in  the  o;der,  v/IllThow  this  p«pev» 
which  has  become,  a  lubitanjive  and  avowed  caufv  for  non  intercourfe, 
embargo  and  war,  is  a  blockade,  only  of  the  places,  on  the  Frencl: 
coaft,  from  Oftend  to  the  Seine,  and  even  as  to  ihefe  ic  is,  merely,  as  it 
.]|rofefles  to  be,  a  continuance  of  a  former  and  exittiog  blockade.     For  ; 
with  refpeA  to  the  refidue  of  the  coad,  trade  of  neutrals  is  admitted, 
with  the  exception  only,  of  enemy's  property  and  articles  coutraband  ;' 
of  \war,  which  are  liable  to  be  taken,  without  a  blockade ;  and  except    , 
the  direft  colonial  trade  of  the  enemy,  which  Great  Britain  denied  to    ! 
be  free  by  the  law  of  nations.     Why  the  order  was  thus  extended,  in 
its  form,- while  ineffeifl  it  added  nothing  to  orders  and  regulations,  al- 
ready exifting,  w:ll  be  known  by  adverting  to  papers,  which  are  before 
the  w«rld      In  1806,  France,  had  yet -colonies  and  the  wound  infli<5lrd 
on  oar  feelings,  by  the  interference  of  the  BritiHi  government  in  our 
trade,  with  thofe  colonies,  had  been  the  caufe  of  remonftrance  and  ne-  .- 
gociaiion.     At  the  moment  when  the  order  of  May  1806,  was  made* 
Mr.  Monroe,,  the  prefent  Secretary  of  State,  then  our  minifter  plenipo-    ' 
tentiary  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  was  in  treaty  on  the  fubjeft  of 
the  carrying  trade,  and  judging  on  the  fpot,  and  at  the  time,  he,  un>  ^ 
hefitatingly,  gave  his  opinion,  that  the  order  was  made  to  favor  Amer- 
ican views  and  interefts.     This  idea  is  unequivocally  expreffcd,  in   Mr.  > 
Monroe's  letters  to  Mr.  Madifoa  of  the   17  th,  and  zothf  of  May,  and 
of  the  9th  of  June,  1 806. 

And  as  late  as  Odtober,  I'Sit,  the  fame  Gentleman,  writing  as  Sec- 
retary of  State  to  the  Britifh  miniller,  fpeaking  of  the  fame  order  of 
blockade  of  May.  1806,  fays,  "  it  ftriftly  was  little  more  than  a  block- 
ade of  the  coaft  from  Seine  to  Oftend."  *•  The  objt<Jt  was  to  afford  to 
the  United  States  an  accommodation  refpe<5ting  the  colcmial  trade." 

It  appears^  then,  that  this  order,  was,  in  point  of  fa<ft,  made  to  favor 
our  trade  and  was  fo  underftood  and  admitted  by  the  government  of 
this  country)  at  chat  time  afid  fince.;  that,  inftead  of  extending  prior 

eccmiei,  sod  oot  being  coatrabaod  of  war,  frpm  spprosching  the  faid  coaft»,  aod 
CDtcriog  into  and  failing  from  the  faid  rivert  Ind  porti,/«vf  amltxcejit  the  coaft,  riv- 
crt,  and  porta,  from  Oftend  to  the  nver  Seine,  already  in  a.  ftate  of  rtridt  and  rigor* 
ous  blockade  ;  and  wbic^  are  to  be  coofidered  as  fo  conttnued,"  with  a  provifi 
(hat  the  veiTeU  "entering  had  not  bcea  ladearst  a  port  belonging  to,  or  io  poflcf- 
fion  of,  the  enemiei  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  velTeli  departing  were  not  deftiocd  to 
an  eaemy'a  port»or  had  previouifly  broken  blockade." 

t  The  following  are  extraa>  from  thefe  letter*.  '  In  tb«t  of  the  X7lh  May,  1806, 
be  thus  fpeaka  of  that  blockade.    It  ia'*^  couched  in  terms  of  r«firaint,  aUd  profcf- 
fes  to  extend  the  blockade  further  than  was  heretvfore  done,  ntvtrtbfhp  It  lalet  it 
/rm  Mait^  flirts  slrtady  iUtitdtJ,  iadtedt  from  all  Bad  of  Oftend,  and  Weft  of  the 
Sdoe^  exeepc  in  articles  contraband  of  war  and  enemy's  j>roptrty,  wbwb  are  feiz- 
abie  without  blockade.    Aild  in  like  form  of  exception,  cooiideriDC  every  CBcmy  as 
one  power,  it  admits  the  trade  of  neutrals,  within  the  fame  limits,  to  be  free  in  the 
produdiotts  of  coenics*  cdonicp,  in  every,  but  the  dircA  route  between  the  colony 
•and  the  parent  country ."    \     Monroe  adiH,  ••  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  note 
was  drawn  by  the govemmentia  refcrenee  to  the  ^ucftioa^as  if  intended  «s  the 
-  fonndation  of  »  treaty,  rauft  be  viewed  in  tffavorable  light"    On  the  acth  of  Miv 
Mr.  Monroe  writes  to  Mr.  Madifon,  that  he  had  been  «  ftrengthcned  in  tbe  opin- 
ion that  the  order  of  the  t6th  was  drawn  with  a  view  to  the  queftioa  6f  our  |r«dc 
'With  enemies'  ce)oaiei,ttad  that  it  pronifes  to  be  kiebb  ratisfa<!lory  to  our.e(«y 
sueretal  inter  e^*;*'  / 


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blocliades  it  leflened  them  ;  that  the  country  from  Seine  to  "Bred,  and 
from  OUend  to  Elbe  was  inferred  to  open  them  to  our  colonial  trade 
and  for  our  accommodation,  and  that  ic  was  never  made  the  fubjctfl  of 
complaint,  by  the  American  government,  durine  its  praftical  continu- 
ance >— that  is,  not  until  the  firft  order  in  council  i  and  indeed  not  un- 
til the  id  of  May  1810  ;  and  until  after  the  Anrieiican  government 
vras  apprized  of  the  ground,  which  it  was  the  will  of  France  iliould  be 
tftken  upon  the  fubjedt. 

Of  this  we  have  the  moft  decifive  proof,  in  the  offfrs,  made  under  the 
adminiftration  of  Mr.  Jeflferfon,  for  the  difcontinuance  of  the  Embargo 
as  it  related  to  Great  Britain  )  n^ne  of  which  required  the  repeal  of  the 
blockade  of  May  1806  ;  and  alfo  in  the  arrangemett  made  during  the 
adminiftration  of  Mr.  Madifon,  and  under  his  eye  with  Mr.  Erlkine. 
The  non-intercourfe  adl  of  March  1809,  and  the  aA  "concerning  com- 
mercial intercourfe^'  of  May  i8(o,  veil  the  Prefident  of  the  1  United 
States  with  the  very  fame  power,  in  the  very  fame  terms  Botk  au< 
tkorife  him  "  in  cafe  either  Great  Britain  or  France  fhall  fo  revoke  ©r 
modify  her  edi(^s,  as  that  they  ihall  ceate  to  violate  the  neutral  com- 
merce of  the  UiJted  States"  to  declare  the  fame  by  proclamation  An«l 
liy  the  provifions  of  one  law  in  fuch  cafe,  non-intercourfe  was  to  ceafe  ; 
by  th«fe  of  the  other  it  was  to  be  revived.  In  confequence  ot  power 
vefted,  by  tht  firft  .ift,  the  arrangement  with  Erflcine  was  made  and  the 
^evocation  of  the  orders  in  council  of  January  and  November  1 807, 
was  confidered  as  a  full  compliance  with  the  law  and  as  removing  all 
the  ami  neutral  ediiJts.  The  blockade  of  May  1 806,  was  nor  included 
in  the  arrangement,  and  it  does  not  appear,  that  it  was  deemed  of  fuf- 
£cent  importance  to  engage  even  a  thought.  Yet  under  the  adl  of 
May  if  10,  which  vefts  the  very  fame  power,  a  revocation  of  this  block- 
ade of  May  1 806,  is  made  by  our  cabinet  zjtne  qua  mn  ;  an  indifpen- 
faWe  requHite !  And  now,  after  the  Britifh  minifter  h^s  dire^ly  avow- 
ed thAt  this  order  of  blockade  w«uld  hot  continue  after  a  relocation  of 
the  orders  in  council,  without  a  due  application  of  an  adequate  force, 
thcexiftence  of  this  blockade,  is  inliftea  upon,  as  a  juAifiable  caufe  of 
war,  notwithftanding;,  that  our  government  admits  a  b  ockade  is  legal, 
to  the  maintenance  of  which  an  adequate  force  is  applied. 

The  undefined  are  aware,  that,  injuftificat/on  of  this  new  ground, 
it  is  now  faid  that  the  extenfion  on  paper,  for  whateve;  purpofe  intend- 
ed, favors  the  principle  of  paper  blockades  This  however,  can  hardly 
be  urged«  fince  the  Britifhji*  formally,  difavow  the  principle  jand  fince; 
they  acknowledge,  the  very  do  Anne  of  the  law  of  nations,  for  which, 

*  Mr  Safer  iu  hit  letter  af  the  3d  July,  iftxi,  to  Mr.  Moaroc  thai  ftatet  the 
dodrine,flnaiDtained  byhi*  gQVcrament. 

.  "  Qre«t  Qritaio  bat  never  attempted  to  difpute  that,  io  the  ordinary  cnwite  of 
the  law  of  natioat,  qo  hlockade  cao  be  joftifiable  or  valid,  uaiefi  it  be  fuppoMed 
by  an  "  adequate  force  defiincd  to  maintain  it  and  to  expofe  to  hazard  ali  vefleU 
atteni^tiog  to  eVxde  lit  operation, 

'<  Mt.  fofler  iq  bit  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe  of  the  4ttb  Inly,  iSii,  nlfii  fayt,Th« 
bloeki|de«f  May  x1lf6,  will  not  continue  after  the  repeal  of  the  otden  in  council 
nalefii  bit  Majeftj'^  government:  ihall  think  it  to  fuftain  it  by  the  fpecial  applica- 
tion oF  a  fuftqient  naval  for^e,  «|d  the  latt  of  iti  being  (n  «0Bttatted»  n  Bot»«itt 
llHBotiilcdatthetflaa^ 


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thcr  Ameiican  adrnmiftration  contend,  henceforth,  the  exigence  of  s 
blockAile  becomes  a  queftion  of  faift :  it  muft  depend  upon  the  evidence 
adduced,  in  fupport  of  the  adequacy  of  the  blockailii'g  force. 

From  the  preceding  ftatement  it  is  apparent,  th-it  whatever  ther*  is 
objetJlionable,  in  the  principU  of  the  oideir  of  May  1806,  or  in  the  prac* 
tice  under  it,  on  ground  merely  American,  it  cannot  'c  fet  up  as  afufH* 
cient  caufe  of  war  ;  for  until  France,  poi  ,ied  it  out,  as  a  caufe  of  con- 
troverf)',  it  was  fo  far  from  being  regarded,  as  a  fonrce  of  any  ntW, 
or  grievous  complaint,  that  it  was  actually  confidercd,  by  our  govern- 
ment*  in  a  favorable  light. 

The  Britifh  Orders  in  Council  are  the  remaining  fource  of  difcon- 
tent,  and  avowed  caufe  of  war.  Thefe,  have,  heretofore,  been  confid- 
«red,  by  our  government  in  connexion  with  the  French  decrees.  Cer- 
tainly, the  Britiili  Orders  in  council  and  French  decrees,  form  a  fyflem 
fubverfivc  of  neutral  rights,  and  conftitute  jnll  grounds  of  complaint, 
yet,  viewed,  relatively  to  the  condition  of  thofe  powers  towards  f  ack 
otl:er,  and  of  th?  United  Stat"s  towards  both*  the  underfigned  cannot 
perfuade  themielvc&  that  the  Orders  in  Council,  as  they  now  exift  and 
with  their  pr  fcnt  eff^(5l  and  operation,  juft'fy  the  feleflion  of  Great 
Biitain  as  our  enemy  ;  and  render  neceliary  a  declaration  of  uitqua.U- 
fird  war.  ,  '  ^^  i' v 

Every  confideratlon  of  moral  duty,  and  political  expedience,  Teems 
to  concur  in  warning  the  United  States,  not  to  mingle  in  this  hopelcfi, 
and,  to  human  eye,  interminable  Europeari  conteft.  Neither  France, 
nor  England,  pretends  that  their  aggreffions  can  be  defended,  on  the 
ground  of  any  other  belligerent  right,  than  that  of  particular  neceffity. 

Both  attempt  to  juftify  their  fncroachmelnts,  on  the  general  law  of 
nations,  by  the  plea  of  retaliation  In  the  relative  pofition,  and  pro- 
portion of  Itrcngth  of  the  United  States,  to  either  belligerent,  there  ap- 
peared little  probability,  that  we  could  compel  the  one,  or  the  other, 
by  hoftile  operations,  to  abandon  this  pica.  ■  -■ ,  ' 

And  as  the  field  of  commercial  cnterpvifc,  after  allowing  to  the  d«-  ^ 
crces  and  orders,  their  full  pradical  effietfl,  is  ftill  rich  and  extcnfive, ' 
there  feemed,  as  little  wifdom  as  obligation  to  yield,  folid  and  certain 
realities,  for  unattainable  pretenfions.  The  ri|.^ht  of  retaliation,  as  ex- 
ifting,  in  either  belligerent,  it  was  impoflib'e,  for  the  United  States, 
confident  with  either  its  duty,  or  if-tereft.  to  admit.  Yet  fuch  was  the 
ftate  ©f  the  decrees,  and  orders  of  the  refpe^ive  belligerents,  in  relation 
t»  the  rights  of  neutrals,  that,  while,  on  the  one  hand,  it  formed,  no 
juftification  to  either,  fo  on  the  other,  concurrent  circumftancqs,  form- 
ed a  complete  juftification  to  the  United  States,  in  maintaining,  not., 
withftandmg  thefe  encroachments,  provided  it  befl:  comported  with 
their  intereft$,  that  fyftem  of  ii» partial  neutrality,  which  is  fo  defirable 
to  their  peace  and  profperity.-  .  For  if  it  ftiould  he  admitted,  which  no 
courfeiof  argument  can  mainlain,  that  the  B'^riin  decree,  which  was 
iffucdon  the  21ft  of  Noveitiber,  1806,  was  juftiHed,  by  the  antecedent 
orders  of  the  Britiih  admiralty,  refpe<5tin5i  the  colonial  trade,  and  by 
the  order  of  blockade  of  the  16th  of  May,  preceding,  yet,  on  this  ac- 
count, there  rafulted  no  right  of  rctaliat'on  to  France,  as  it  refpedl.  I 
the  United  States.    Thef  had  expreifed  no  acquiefceace  either  ia  the 


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^ritlfti  Interference  with  llie  colonial  trade,  or  irt  any  cxt«irifion  of  Hi« 
principles  of  blockade.     Befides,  had  there  been  any  fuch  negledl,  on 
^he  part  of  the  United  States,  as  war/anted  the  French  emperor  ia 
adopting  his  [}rinciple  of  retaliation,  yet  in  the  exercife  of  chat  preten- 
ded  right,  he  paft  the  bounds  vf  both  public  law  and  decency  ;  and,  in 
the  very  extravagance  of  that  eiercife,  loft  the  advantage  of  whatever 
-colour  the  Britifli  had  afforded  to  ^is  pretences      Not  content  witk 
-adopting  a  principle  of  retaliation,   in  terms  limited,  and  appropriate, 
-to  the  injury  of  which  he  complained,  he  declared, '*  all  the  Britifh 
Iflands,  in  a  ftate  of  bloclcade ;, prohibited  all  commerce  and  cnrrefpon, 
■dence  with  them,  all  trade  in  their  manufadlures  ;  ^nd  made  lawful 
j>rize  of  all  merchandize,  belonging  to  Er^gland,  or  coming  from  its 
manufadories,  and  colonies"    The  violence  of  thefe  encroachments 
was  equalled  only  by  the  infidioufnefs  of  the  terms,  and  manirtr,  in 
^which  they  were  promulgated.    The  fcope  of  the  cxprtfiions  of  the 
Berlin  decree,  was  fo  general  th;«t  it  embraced  within   its  fphere,  the 
•whole  commerce  of  neutrals  with  England.     Yet  Decrees,  Minifter  of 
ithe  Marine  of  France,  by  a  formal  note,  of  the  24th  Dec.  1806,  afTurcd 
our  miniftcr  Plenipotentiary,  that  the  imperial  decree,  of  the  21ft  Nov. 
1806,  **  was  not  to  affM  our  commerce^  vuhith  'wouidJliU  be  governed  hj  the 
rules  of  the  treaty ,  ejiablijhedietiueen  the  two  cauntrier."     Notwithftand- 
.-ing  this  afTurance, however,  on  the  i8th  Sept.  following,  Regnier  GranH 
'  ]^f  inifter  of  juftice,  declared  «•  that  the  inteniiont  of  the  Emperor  were  that, 
by  virtue  of  that  decreet  French  armed  vtffehy  might  feize  in  neutral  vejjett, 
either  Englifh  property t  or  merehandife  proceeding  from  Englljh  manufaHo' 
riet  i  and  that  he  had  refervtd%  for  future  decijion  the  quifiion  mhether  they 
might  not  pnffeft  thimfdves  tf  neutral  veffels  going  to,  or  from  England^  at- 
ihough  they  had  no  Englifh  mnnufa£lures  on  hoard.**     Pretenfions,  fo  obvi> 
-ou%,  exceeding  any  meafure  of  retal^ion  that,  if  the  precedent  ads, 
^f  the  Britifh  government,  had  afforded  to  fuch  a  reftrt,  and  colour  6t 
Tight,  it  was  Toft  in  the  violence,  and  extravagance  o?  thefe  afTumed 
principles. 
^^  "  To  the  Berlin  decrees  fucceeded  the  Britifh  orders  in  council,  of  the 
7th  of  January,  1807,  which  were  merged  in  the  orders  oftheiith  of 
i^ovember  following.     Thefe  declared  *'  all  ports,  and  places  belong- 
ing to  France,  and  its  allies,  from  which  the  Bfitifh  flag  was  excluded, 
all,  in  the  colonies  of  his  Britannic  majefty's  enemies,  in  a  ftate  of 
Itlockade  ; — prohibiting  all  trade,  in  the  produce  and  manufadlures* 
of  the  faid  countries    or  colonies,;  and  making  all  veffels,  trading  to 
or  from  them,  and  all  merehandife,  on  board  (ubjeA,  to  capture  and 
condemnation,  with  an  exception,  only  in  favour  of  the  dire<a  trade, 
ietween  ni  utral  countries  and  the  colonies  of  his  majefty's  enemies;" 
^    Thefe  extravagant  pretenfions,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britaiii,  were, 
immediately  fucceeded  by  others,  ftill  ftiore  extravagant,  on  the  part 
of  France.     Without  waiting  for  any  knowledge  of  the  cpurfe,  the 
American  government  would  take,  in  relation  to  the  Britifh  orders 
in  council,^  the  French  Emperor  iffued,    on  the  1 7th  of  December 
ifoUowing,  his  Milan  decree,  by  which  *•  every  fliip  of  wifttever  na< 
don,  which  ftall  have  fubmiued  to  learchj  I^y. an  Englifh  flijp,  or  to 


i.^l^t^y/k-^. 


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a  vojrage  to  England,  or  paid  any  tax  to  that  goreminenty.are  declaim.  ' 
ed  Jfnationa/izf^t  and  lawful  prize. 

*'  The  Brittlb  Iflands  are  declared  in  a  Aate  of  blockade,  by  fea  and: 
land,  and  every  ihip  of  whatever  nation,  or  whatfoever  the  nature  otT 
its  cargo  may  be,  that  fails  from  England,  or  thofe  of  the  Englilh  col- 
onies, or  of  cduntries  occupied  by  Englifh  troops,  and  proceedii)g  to« 
England,  or  to  the  Englilh  colonies,  or  to  countries  occupied  by  the 
£ngli(h,  to  be  good  prixe."  The  nature,  and  extent  of  thefe  injuiics^ 
thus  accumulated  by  mutual  efibrti  of  both  belligeMnts,  feemed  to 
teach  tlie  American  ftatefmau  this  important  lefTon  ;  not  to  attath  the. 
caufe  of  his  country  to  one,  or  the  other  ;  but  by  fyftematic  and  foiid 
provifions,  ifor  fea-coall  and  maritime  defence,  to  place  its  interefts,  as 
far  as  its  fituation,  and  lefources  permit,  beyond  the  reach  of  therapacio 
ty  or  ambition  of  any  Eurojscan  power.  Happy  would  it  have  been  for 
our  country,  if  a  courfe  of  policy,  fo  Ample  and  obvious,  had  beoa 
adopted!  >''>ilst 

Unfortunately  adminiftration  had  recoiufe  to  a  fyftem,  compli^at)*^^ 
In  its  nature,  and  deftrudlive  in  its  tSe&s  ;  which  initead'  of  relief,  from 
the  accumulated  injuries  of  foreign  governments  feived  only  to  fill  up# 
what  was  wanting  m  the  meafure  of  evils  abroad,  byaTtificiat  embar-  ■ 
THflmeivti>  at  home.  As  long  ago,  as  the  year  1794  ;  Mr.  Madifon,  the 
prefent  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  then  a  member  of  the  Houfe  o£ 
Reprefentaiives,  devifed  and  propofed  a  fyftem  of  commerciel  reftric. 
tions,  which  had  for  Its  objeft  tlie  coercion  of  Great  Britain,  by  a  deni* 
vA  to  her  of  our  produAs  and  oor  market ;  aflerting  that  the  former 
was,  in  a  n^nnev  eflential  to  her  profpcjity,  either  as  neceflarics  of  life,, 
•r  as  raw  materials  for  her  manufa^ures ;  and,  that  without  the  latter*, 
a  great  proportion  of  her  labouring  clafTes,  could  not  fubfiil. 

In  that  day  of  fage  and  virtuous  forethought,  the  propoiition  was. 
rejefled.     It   remained,   however,  a  theme  of  unceafing  panegyric 
rimong  an  a*5live  clafs  of  American  politicians,  who  with  a   iy(Vemat;e 
pertinacity  inculcated  among  the  people,  that  commercial  reftrifllunsv 
were  a  fpecies  of  warfare,  which  would  enfure  fucccfs  to  the  Unite^ 
States,  and  humilisition  to  Great  Britain.  \ 

There  were  two  circumftanqes,  iubetentin  this  fyftem  of  coercinjir 
Great  Britain  by  commercial  reitrit^ions,  which  ought  to  have  made; 
p/a^ical  politicians,  very  doubtful  c^its  refult,  and  very  cautious  of. 
its  trial.  Thefe  were  theftateof  opinion  in  relation  to  its  cfficacys 
a  Along  commercial  men,  in  the  United  States  ;  and  the  ftate  of  feel- 
ing, which  a  refort  to  it  would  unavoidably  produce,  in  Great  Britain. 
On  die  one  han'd,  it  was  undeniable  that  the  great  body  of  commercial 
men,  in  the  United  States,  had  no  belief  in  fuch  a  dependancy  of  G. 
Britain,  upon  tha  United  States,  either  for  our  produce,  or  our  market^ 
»i  the  fyftem  i^nplied.; 

Without  the  hearty  co  operation  orthls  clafs  of  men,  fuccefs  in  :t&  • 
attenipt  was  obvioully  unattainable.  A  nd  as  on  them  the  chief  fuffer « 
ing  would  fall,  it  was  altogether  uareafonable  to  expedt  that  they 
would  become  co-operating  inftruments  in  fupport  of  any  fyftern, 
which  was  ruin  to  them,  and  \\'ithout  hope  to  their  country.  On  the 
•thcr-hand,  'as  it  refpefis  Great.  Britain}  a  fyftem  Eroceeding.ugoa  t^ 


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avowed  principle  of  her  dependence  upon  us  wa&  among  the  laA,  to 
which  a  proud  and  powerful  nation  would  yield. 

Notwithftanding  thclc  obvious  conliderations,  in  April  1806,  Mr. 
Matiifon,  being  then  Secretary  of  State,  a  'aw  pafTed  Congrefs,  pro- 
hibiting the  impoitation  of  certain  fpccified  manufaftuies  of  C  eat 
Britain,  and  her  dependencies  on  the  bafis  of  Mr.  Madifon's  original 
propofition.  Thus  the  United  States  entered  on  the  fyliem  of  com- 
mercial hoftility  againft  Great  Britain. 

The  decrt-e  of  BerUn  was  ifTued  in  the  enfuing  November,  ( 1 806  ) 
The  treaty,  which  had  been  figned  at  London,  in  Decennber,  1806, 
having  been  reieAed  by  Mr.  J«fFerfon«  without  being  prefentcd  to  the 
Senate  for  ratifacation,  and  the  non.importationa<Sl  not  being  repealed, 
but  qnly  fnfpended,  Great  Britain  iiTued  her  orders  in  council,  on  the 
31th  November,  1807. 

On  the  2 1  ft  of  the  lame  month,  of  Nov.  Champagny,  French  minif. 
ter  of  foreign  affairs,  wrote  to  Mr  Armftrong  the  American  Minifter, 
in  the  words  fbllowing.  "  All  the  difliculties,  which  have  given  rife 
to  your  rcclajnations,  Sir,  would  be  removed  with  eafe,  if  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  after  complaining  in  vain  of  the  injullice 
and  violations  of  England,  took,  with  the  whole  continent,  tlie  part  of 
guaranteeing  it  therefrom." 

On  the  17th  of  the  enfuing  December,  the  Milan  decree*  was  i/Tued 
•n  the  part  ©f  France,  and  five  days  afiei  wards  the  embargo  was  paf- 
fcd  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  Thus  w^s  compleated,  by  a<2s 
nearly  cotemporancous,  tlie  circle  of  commercial  hoftilities. 

After  all  ineffe«5lual  trial  of  four  years  to  controul  the  policy  of  the 
two  belligerents  by  this  fyflem,  it  was  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  for  a  time,  relinquHhed.  The  aft  of  the  ifi:  of  May,  18 10,  gave 
the  authority,  however  to  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States  to  revive 
it  againil  Gieat  Britain,  in  cafe  France  revoked  her  decrees.  Such  re- 
vocation, on  the  part  of  France  was  declared,  by  the  Prefident's  proc- 
lamation on  the  zd  November,  1810,  and,  in  confequcnce  non-inter- 
coutfe  was  revived  by  our  adminiftvation,  againft  Great  Britain. 

At  all  times,  th*;  underfigned  have  looked,  with  much  anxiety  for 
thz  evidence  of  this  revocation.  They  wiflied  not  to  queftion,  what, 
in  various  forms,  has  been  fo  often  alfcrted  by  the  adminillration  and 
its  agents,  by  their  difeftions.  But  neither  as  public  men,  nor  as 
eiti^cnsv  can  they  confent  that  the  peace  and  profperity  of  the  country 
ihould  be  facrlficed.  in  maintenance  of  a  pofition,  which  on  no  princi- 
ple of  evidence  they  d* em  tenable.  They  cannot  falfify,  or  conceal 
their  conviftion,  that  the  French  dacrees  neither  have  been,  nor  arc 
revoked. 

Without  pretending  to  occupy  the  whole  field  of  argument,  which 
:^e  quellion  of  revocation  has  opened,  a  concife  ftatement  feems  infep- 
''iirable  from  the  occafioru  v 

The  condition,  on  which  the  non-intercourfe,  according  to  the  aft 
•f  ift  May  1810,  might  be  revived  againft  Great  Britain,  was,  on  the 
part  of  France,  an  efniual  revocation  ofher^4icrees,  Whit  the  'Prefident 
•f  the  United  States  was  bound  to  require  from  the  French  Gov- 
fnun«|it  waSj  thf  evidence  of  iVch  effeftaal  revocation.    Upon  this 


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point  bith  tbie  right  of  the  United  States  and  thcihity  of  the  Prefident  , , 
feem  to  be  r^folv^^ble  into  very  diftinft  and  undeniable  principles  Th« 
objeA  to  h6  obuinedt  for  the  United  States  from  France  was  an  effeClu*  -^ 
al  i^tvoctuion  of  the  decreet.  A  revocadon  to  be  effeAur  ,  muft  includCf 
^n  the  nature  of  things,  thi*(  eflVntial  requiflte  t— the  wrongs  done  to 
the  neutral  commel-ce  of  the  United  States,  by  the  operation  of  the  de- 
crees* muft  be  ftopped.  Nothing  fhort  of  this  could  be  an  eflfe^tOAt 
te  vocation.  ."      • 

Without  reference  to  the  othet  wrohgs  tYfulting  from  thofe  decrees 
to  the  cdmmerce  of  the  United  States  ;  it  will  be  Aifficient  to  ftate  tha 
Jpruminent  Wrong  done  by  the  3d  article  of  the  Milan  derree.*  The 
tiature  of  this  wrong  eflentially  confifted  in  the  authority  given  to  French 
(hips  of  war  and  privateers  to  make  price,  at  fea*  of  every  neutral  veiTeU 
failing  to,  or  from,  any  of  the  Englifh  poflfefllons.  The  authority 
to  capture  was  the  very  effence  of  £<  wrong.  It  follows  therefore* 
that  an  tffefiual  rtvotation  rtquired  that  the  autbtirity  to  capture  Jhould  be 
annulled.  Granting  thert-fore,  for  the  fake  of  argument,  (what  from  its 
terms  and  its  nature  was  certainly  not  the  cafe)  that  the  noted  letter 
tof  the  Duke  of  Cadore  of  the  5th  of  Auguft  tSio,  held  forth  a  revo- 
cation, good  in  point  of  form,  and  unconditional,  yet  //  fwat  not  that 
^fftllucd  revocationt  for  which  the  a£t  of  ift  May  i8io»alone  authorif- 
ed  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States  to  iflue  his  proclamation,  anle/f 
in  confequence  of  that  letter^  the  authoritf  te  capture  luai  annulled.  The 
letter  itfelf  is  no  annulment  of  the  authority  to  capture,  and  it  is  noto- 
rious, that  no  evidence  of  the  annulment  of  this  authority  to  capture* 
ever  has  been,  adduced.  It  has  not  even,  been,  pretended.  On  the 
contrary  there  is  decifive,  and  almoft  daily,  evidence  of  the  continued 
txiftence  of  this  authority  to  capture. 

The  charge  of  executing  the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  was,  fo  far 
as  concerned  his  department,  given  by  the  terms  of  thofe  decrees  to 
the  French  minifter  of  Marine.  According  to  eftabliflied  principles  oC 
leneral  law,  the  imperial  a£t,  which  gave  the  authority  muft  be  annul- 
led by  another  imperial  aft,  equally  formal  and  fslemn  ;  or^  at  leaft, 
the  authority  to  capture  muft  be  countermanded  by  fome  order,  or  in- 
ftruAion,  fVom  the  mhufter  of  marine.  Nothing  (hort  of  this  could 
annul  the  authority  according  to  the  rule  of  the  fea  fervice,  was  fuch 
annulling  aft  ever  iifued  by  the  French  Emperor  ?  Were  any  fuch 
•countermanding  orders^  or  inftrnftTons^  ever  given  by  the  French  min- 
ifter of  marine  i  In  exercifing  a  truft,  committed  to  him,  by  the  le. 
ttiilaitbre,  on  a  point,  fo  interefting,  to  the  neutral  commerce  of  the 
United  States,  and  fo  important  to  the  peace  of  the  nation,  was  it  not 
'iht  duty  of  the  Prefident  to  have  the  evidence  of  iUch  annulment,  be- 

•  this  irti'etc  is  tfli  thefe  Words  t 
*  *•  Art.  III.  The  Briiifii  ifli^d*  are  declarecl  to  be  in  a  Oste  of  bleekade,  both 
by  land  asd  fea.  Svery  Ihip  of  irbatever  oattoo,  or  wbalfbever  the  satttre  of  it* 
cargo  may  be,  diat  fail*  from  tht  ports  of  Boglaod,  or  thofe  of  t  be  Bof iifli  eolooic* 
Ikod  ctf  the  eouet'/iei  occupied  by  EngUfli  iroops  and  proceediirg  to  EogUod,  or  to 
Ihe  Bsglifli  Colonics, or  to  ecuntriesoccuj^ed  by  fiDgiifli  troops  iy  good  add  lawful 

J  rise,  at  cootri^ry  to  the  prefcnt  decree  and  «<gr  btuftwtd,  iy  turfiipt^wir  vr  rar 
tiv4attr*Mida<jfiiJgeit9thtafl9t'*  j*,  »    #'  u 


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fore  the  i/TuIng  of  any  procUmntlon  ?  Mas  hf  ever,  infifled  qpoft^ 
(bch  evidence  i  Was  it  of  no  conlequence  in  the  relative  fituation  of  this 
country,  as  to  foreign  powers,  that  the  regular  evidence  (hould  be 
received  by  our  adniinillration  and  made  known  i  NVhy  has  a  matter 
of  evidencei  fo  obvioufly  proper,  fo  Ample,  in  its  natnTe,  fo  levfl  to 
general  apprehenfion  and  fo  imperioufly  demanded,  by  the  circumAan* 
ces  of  the  cafe,  been  wholly  omitted  i  And  why,  if  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  decrees  are  annuled,  as  is  pretended,  do«^s  the  Ficnch  Emperor 
withhold  this  evidence  of  their  annulment  P  Why  does  he  withhold 
V  it,  vher.  *he  quedion  of  revocation  is  prcfcnted' under  cireumtlance<^, 
of  fo  mt      urgency  ? 

Not  only  has  it  never  been  pretended  that  any  fuch  imperial  a.&  of 
,  annulment  has  iHued,  or  that  any  fuch  orders,  or  inftruAions,  coun* 
termanding  the  authority  to  capture,  were  ever  ^ven,  but  there  is  de* 
cifive  evidence  of  the  reverfe  in  the  condudt  of  the,  French  public  arme4 
(hips  and  priva'.eers.  At  ail  times  Ance  Nov.  1810,  thcfc  fliips  and  pri. 
vateers  have  continued  to  capture  our  veifels  and  property,  on  the  higl^ 
feas,  upon  the  principles  of  the  Berlin  and  Mil^fi  decrees.  A  nume- 
rous lift  of  American  veuels,  thui  taken,. frnce  the  ill  of  November 
1 8 10,  now  exifts  in  the  office  of  the  fecretary  of  (late  :  tnd  among  the 
captures  are  fever  al  veflels  with  their  cargoes,  lately,  taken  and  deuroy* 
ed,  at  fea,.  without  the  Airmality  of  a  trial,  by  the  commander  of  » 
French  fquadron,  at  this  moment  cruizing  againft  our  commerce,  un- 
der orders,  given  by  the  mimfter  of  marine,  to  whom  the  execution 
of  the  decrees  was  committed ;  and  thefe  t<4o  iflued  in  January  laft. 
Xn  the  Baltic  and  Mediterranean  feast  captures  by  French  privateers  are- 
known  to  us,  by  official  documents  to  have  beeo  madci  under  the  au- 
.,  .  jthority  of  thefe  decrees.  Haw  then  are  they  revoked  i  How  have  they 
^ .  '"''^  fcafed  to  violate  our  neutral  commerce  ? 

Had  any  repeal,  or  modification  of  thofe  decrees,  in  truth  takes 
place,  it  mud  have  been  communicated  to  the  prize  courts,  and  would 
have  been  evidenced  by  fome  variation  either  in  their  rules,  or  in  the 
principles  of  their  decifions  In  vain»  however,  will  this  nation  feek  for 
fuch  proof  of  the  revocation  of  the  decrees.  No  acquittal  has  ev:r  been 
liad,  in  any  of  the  prize  courts,  upon  the  ground  that  the  Berlin  and 
!Milan  decrees  haB  ceafed,  even  as  it  refpeas  the  United  States-  0» 
tile  contrary  the  evidence  is  decilive  that  they  are  confidered  by  tlie 
French  courts  as  eziftii^ 

There  are  many  cafes  corroborative  of  this  pofition.  It  is  enoug)r 
to  ftate^  only,  two,  which  appear  in  the  offiicial  reports.  The  Amefi* 
can  (hip  Julian  was  captured  by  a  French  privateer,  on  the  4th  July 
xi3i  I,  and  on  the  tenth  of  September  181 1,  the  veAel  and  cargo  wefe 
conderpned,  by  the  council  of  prizes  at  Paris  among  other  realons,  be- 
.C0u/ijoe  was  vifited  by /iveral  EngUJf)  vtffelu  On  the  fame  day  the  Her- 
leules  an  American  (hip  was  condemned  by  the  imperial  court  of  prized 
alleging  *<  thxt  it  was  im'poffible,  that  ihe  was  not  viGted,  by  the  ene* 
jny's  flitpi  of  war.**  So  familiar  to  them  was  the  exiftence  of  the  de» 
,crees.V|ind  fuch  their  eagernefs  to  giVe  them  tSt&  again&  our  c(m>. 
ihercet  that  they  feigned  a  vifitation  to  have  taken  place,  and  that  not- 
^hA wding,.  the  exprefs  declaration  of  the  captain  and  crew^  10  the 


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»y- 

;  a-    ' 
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*5  ^-ik. 

.«ftr.tmrjr.    In  addition  to  which  evidence.  Mr.  Ruflell'i  letter  to  the  • 

Secretary  of  SNte,  dated  8th  May  181  it  fays  **  it  may  not  be  impi^p- 
'Cr  to  remark  that  no  American  veflel  captured  fince  the  id  Nuvemlicr 
1810,  has  yet  been  releafed."  ^  ^ 

From  this  it  is  apparent*  thai  the  commanders  ofthe  national  vefTcl!:*       « « 
the  privateerfinen,  and  the  judges  of  the  prize  courts,  to  whi<ih  maj  be      ,  .'  ^ 
added  aHb  the  cuftom  houfe  officers,  who,  as  the  inllruments  of  car-      fji^ 
Tying   into  tffeA   the  decrees,  muU  have  been  made  acquainted  with 
the  repeal  had  it  exiftej,  have  been  from  Hrfl  to  lall,  ignotanC  of  any 
revocation  ;  and  uniformly  a^ed  upon  the  principle  of  ihcir  exigence. 

If  other  evidence  ofthe  continued  exigence  of  thofe  decrees  were  re« 
quiiue«  the  afts  of  tlie  French  government  afford  I'uch  as  is  full  and  cx> 
plicit.     Champagny,  Duke  of  Cadorci  minidcr  of  foreign  relations,  in 
his  report  to  his  roajefly  the  Emperor  and  king,  dated  Paris  ^4  Deccm* 
ber*  18 10,  fpeaking  of  the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milac,  fays  exprefsly. 
*'  As  long  as  England  (hallperfift  in  her  orders  in  council  your  m»- 
It^y  nuilt  perjiftt  in  your  decrees**'     Than  which  no  declaration  can  be      ' .  " 
more  direA  not  only  that  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  are  unrevoked, 
bat  that  they  will  fo  remain»  uiitil  the  En^Ufh  orders  in  council  are 
Vrithdrawn.    And  in  the  addrefs  deliverea,  by  his  imperial  majefty,      f      , 
Kapo!eon«  to  the   council  of  commerce  on  the  31ft  Ma- :h,  18 11,  he 
^hus  declares  <*  Tlie  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  are  the  fundamental       j*^; 
liaws  of  my  Empire.     For  the  neutral  navigation  I  confider  the  flag  as  ^^r 

4in  extention  of  territory.    The  power,  which  fuffers  its  flag  to  be  -vio-      tp 
lated,  cannot  be  confidered  as  neutral   The  fate  of  the  American  cvcti-      '''"'  i^ 
merce  will  foon  be  decided.     I  will  favor  it  if  the  United  States  con-      ^      i 
^form  theirifelves  to  thefe  decrees.     In  a  contrary  cafe  their  veflels  wifl 
be  driven  from  my  Empire."  f 

Afid  as  late  as  the  loth  of  March  laft,   in  a  report  of  the  French 
.  , ,  minirtcr  of  foreign  relations,  communicated  to  the'confervative  Senate, 
^1t  is  declared,  •♦  that  as  lonf  as  the  Britifh  orders  in  council,  are  not 
A-evoked,  aid  the  principles  ofthe  treaty  of  Utrecht,  ip  relation  to  neu- 
trals put  in  force,  the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  ought  to  fubfift  ; 
'  ibr  the  powers  who  fuffcr  their  flag  to  be  denationalized."     Ih  none 
,W^f  thijfe  aftJ,  is  there  any  eJccepiion  in  favor  of  the  United  States. 
And  on  the  contJ'ary  in  the  rej^oi't  of  March  laft,  by  placing  thofe  de-      iu 
crces  on  the  bafts  of  *♦  the  prrinciples  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,"  the      ' 

French  Minlftet  has  extended  the  terms  of  revocation  beyond  all  prior       ''      ' 
•pretenflots. 

TTiofe  wfrc  nlaintain  the  revocation  of  fhefe  decre<^»  as  it  refpefls 
the  United  States,  rely  wholly  upon  the  fufptnfion  of  the  decifions  of  , 

:the  French  prize  courts,  in  relation  to  f«me  few  vc/l'els,  and  the  libera-^    '     .  » 
-tion  of  others,  by  the  fpecial  direftion  of  the  French   Emperor.     Can        '^ 
there  be  ftronger  prefumptive  evidence,  of  the  exiftence  of  thofe  de-    '    V 
crees  than  this*— that  no  veflel  is  excepted  from  their  cjaeratlott,  until 
after  the  ^cial  exercife  of  the  Empfiror's  will,  in  the  particular  cafe. 

If  the  decrees  were  efFeftively ,  revoked,  there  would  be,  no  captures  ; 

or  if  any  Were  made,  liberation  wodld  be  a  matter  of  courfe  &  of  gene- 

Tal  right  \  inftead  •£  being  an  affair  of  particular  favor,  or  caprice.    Is 

4t4«r  Tcxatioiu  aod  iodulf  aick»  like  theici  that  thepeqjprie  c^  the  U^« 


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ed  States  ire  to  abandon  their  commerce  and  pc.icc  t  Is  it  for  Aich  fa* 
vort,  they  arc  to  invite  the  calamities  of  war  i  If  the  refourccs  of  ne- 

Sotiation  were  exhaufted»  had  the  government  no  powerk  remaining  to 
ifeinifli  the  caufes  of  Vuittonal  controveriy,  by  preventing  abtifes  i  Af« 
ter  this,  had  it  no  powers  to  provide  for  prote<fling  inaifputable  and 
important  rights,  without  waging  a  war  of  offence  i  In  the  resu- 
lar  exercife*  of  legiflative  and  executive  powers ;  might  not  the  iair 
objeAs  of  intcred  for  ot4r  country  have  been  fecured  coropletelyt  by 
conAAent  and  wholcfome  plans  for  dcfenfive  protcAion  i  And  would 
not  a  national  polition*  AriAly  defcnfive,  yet  highly  refpeAable,  havo 
been  lefs  burthenfome  to  the  people  than  the  projeAed  war  i  Would  i( 
|iot  be  more  friendly  to  the  caufc  of  our  own  feamen  ;— more  fafe  for 
our  navigation  and  commerce  ;  more  favorable  to  the  intcrefts  of  our 
agriculture  ;  lefs  hazardous  to  national  charaAer  }  more  worthy  of  a 
people  jealous  of  their  liberty  and  independence  f 

For  entering  into  theft  koftiUties  is  there  any  thing,  in  the  fricndfliip, 

.  or  commerce)  of  France»  in  its  nature  very  intere^ng»  or  alluring  \ 
V/'t\\  the  reaping  of  the  fcanty  field  of  French  trade,  which  we  feek.  in 
uny  way  compeqfat^  for  the  rich  harveft  of  general  commerce,  which 
by  war  we  are  about  to  abandon  i  When  entering  into  a  war»  with 
Great  Britain,  for  commercial  rights  and  interells.  it  fe^ms  impoffible 
not  to  enquire,  ii^to  the  ftate  of  our  commercial  relations  with  France, 
^nd  the  advantages  the  United  States  will  obtain.  We  may  thus  b<; 
enabled  to  judge  whether  (he  prize  is  worth  the  conteft. 

By  an  official  ilatement.  made  to  Congrefs  during  the  prefent  feilion. 
It  appears  that  of  |5»2(94iQOQ  dollars  ot  domeftic  produAions  of  the 
United  States,  exported  from  September  jotht  iSio.  to  OAober  ift» 

^  l8i  i.dnly  1,194,^75  dollars  were  exported  to  France  ai^d  Italy,  inclu< 
'4ing  Sicily,  not  a  d^pet^dency  of  France. 

-^'  France  is  qow  deprived  of  all  h^r  foreim  colp^ies,  and  by  review- 
ing our  trade  with  that  coui^try  fpr  feveral  years  paft  and  befure  th^ 
date  of  the  orders  in  council,  it  will  appear  that,!  exclufive  of  her  for- 

'  cign  pofFeffionSy  it  has  bc^q  comparatively  iqconfiderable  The  anne;:. 
«u  ftatement  marked  A.  taken  from  official  documents,  ihows  the 
quantity  ofparticular  articles,  the  produce  of  the  United  States  expoM< 

;'  f  d  to  all  tlie  world*  diftinguidiing  the  amount  both  to  France  and  to 
England  and  her  dependencies  from  1810  to  18 ri.     From  this  ftate- 

>  ment  it  appears,  how  fmall  a  proportion  of  the  great  ftaplesofouV 

^:  i:ountry  is  talj^n  *  by  fr^c^.     WhU<r  ?'Y?tncc   reuiqed  her  colonies^ 


^•/^ 


»;•: 


*  It  appe»r«  by  it  that  for  t<rclyc  years  paft,  Prance  M*  not  taken  in  any  yCac 
more  than 

Cottoa        7,ooo,oo«  Pounds    1^  Tobacco  16.000  Hog(heacla 

Kice  7,ooe  Tkrcet   |  /Dried  Pifh,       t7POo  QpintaU 

or  flaur,  naval  fiore*  and  luaber,  noae  of  any  importance.  ».. 

It  aifo  «ppean,  by  it,  tb§t  tlie  aabMl  average  takeii  by  Franca  for  twelve  yen? ^  '■" 
w«,«f 

Cottoa       9.6*4,090  Ponnda   I  T«bacc»  s>9*7  Ho|[<iieada 

»>ee  .  »,«53  Tierces   |    FiOi  *4,7iS  QS">*»'»    , 

Of  lat*  years  fuae  of  tbofe  articles  have  iM>t  bees  flMppcd  at  a;U  direAIy  to 
Franct,  kut  they  ^rc,  probably,  fmoii  thd^  way  thitlter  ibna^b  ths  aorttiffa 
^erts  o/;9urop«^ 


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her  colonial  produce  found  Us  way  to  the  mother  country  throu;;h  the 
United  Stateti  and  our  trade  with  her  in  thefe  aTticles,  was  nor  incoo* 
liderable.  But  fine*  (he  has  been  deprived  of  her  foreign  poiTeflioni, 
^d  fmce  the  eftabliOiment  of  her  municipal  regulations,  hi  to  licrnce«« 
this  trade  has  been  in  a  great  degree,  annihilated.  With  refpeift  to 
colonial  pioduce  aone  can  be  imported  nto  Fiance  cicept  (torn purlieu- 
lar  ports  of  the  United  States  and  under  jpecial  imptr-  I  ticenca.  For 
thefe  licences  our  merchants  muft  pay  what  the  a^^-nts  of  the  French 
government  think  proper  to  demand  As  to  articles  of  our  domcftie 
produce*  they  are  burdened  with  fuch  exorbitant  duties,  and  aie  fubjec« 
ted  to  fuch  regulations  and  reftri^ions  on  theii  importation  as,  in  ordi< 
nary  times,  will  amount  to  *  prohibition.  On  the  5th  of  Auguft  i8io. 
the  very  day  of  the  Duke  of  Cadore's  noted  letter*  a  duty  was  iippofed 
•n  all  fea>if1and  cotton*  imported  into  France*  of  more  than  eighty 
cents  per  pound,  and  on  other  cotton  of  about  fixty  cents  per  pound* 
amounting  to  three,  or  four,  times  their  original  cod  in  the  United 
States.  And  as  to  tobacoo,  the  French  miniller  here*  on  the  sjd  o£ 
July  181 1,  informed  our  government  that  it  was  *'  under  an  admintf. 
tration  (en  regie)  in  France  ;  the  adminiftration  (he  fays)  is  the  only 
eonfumer  and  can  purchafe  only  the  quantity  neceflary  for  its  con> 
fumption."  And  by  other  regulations  not  more  than  one  ^^^nM  of 
all  the  tobacco  confumed,  in  France,  can  be  of  foreign  growth.  The 
ordinary  quantity  of  tobacco  annually  cunfumed  in  Trance  is  edimat- 
cd  at  thirty  thoufand  hog/heaJt,  leaving  only  about  two  thoufand  hogC* 
heads  of  foreign  tobacco  to  be  purchafcd  in  France< 

In  addition  to  thefe  impofuions  and  reftri^ions,  the  importer  is  noC 
left  at  liberty  with  refpedl  to  his  return  cargo.  By  other  cdids,  he  is 
compelled  to  ved  the  avails  of  his  importations,  if,  after  paying  duties 
and  feizures,  any  remain,  in  fuch  articles  of  French  produce  and  roan* 
ufadlure.  as  the  French  government  thinks  proper  to  direA.  Two 
thirds  at  lead  mud  be  laid  out  in  filks  and  the  other  thiTd  in  wines, 
brandies,  and  other  articles*  of  that  country*  To  (how  that  this  ac< 
count  of  pur  commercial  relations  with  France  does  not  red  on  doubt- 
fill  authorityr  the  underfigned  would  refer  to  the  ftatements  and  dc- 
clarations  of  our  government  on  this  fubjeA*  In  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Smith,  the  late  Secretary  of  State*  to  the  rainider  of  France  he^e,  of 
the  18th  December  1810,  fpeaking  of  our  trade  to  that  country*  under 
its  regulations,  after  the  pretended  repeal  of  the  decrees,  Mr.  Smith 
ikys,  **  The  redridtions  ef  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  had  the  effeft 
of  redraining  the  American  merchants  from  fending  their  veflels  to 
France.  The  interdi^ions  in  the  fydem  that  has  been  fubdituted. 
figaind  the  admiiHon  of  American  products,  will  have  the  eiBTeA  of  im. 
pofin^i;  upon  them  an  equal  redraint."  ^ 

*<  If  then,  for  the  revoked  decrees,  municipal  laws,  producing  th« 
igme  commercial  eSeA  have  been  fuhdituted*  the  mode  only,  and  not 
^e  meafure,  has  undergone  an  alteration^  And  however  true  it  may 
be*  that  the  chansie  is  lawful  in  form,  it  is,  neverthelefs,  as  true,  that 
it  is  eflentially  unfriendly,  and  that  it  does  not  at  all  comport  with  the 
ifleas,  ii^fpired  t>y  ypur  ^tter  of  the  27th  ult  in  which  you  were  pleaf- 
fl4  to  declare  the  "  diftia<^X  proaounced  iateatioa  of  his  imperial  om* 


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\cft7«r  faroring  the  commercial  relation!,  hetweea  France  and  tho 
UiiiteJ  SfAret,  m  all  the  objcifts  of  traffic,  which  Ih.ill  cvidentljr  pro* 
cced  from  thi-ir  jgricutturei  or  mairafac^ures  "  ••  l(  France,  by  her 
ov^n  a£tt,  h;u  blockiiJed  up  htr  pntt*.;ig4in(l  the  introJuAien  of  ths 
prnduAs  of  the  Unired  Stutct,  ^hac  nioitvu  has  thU  ffoverniitent,  in  u 
difculTinn  with  a  third  pnwer,  to  iniift  ort  the  privilege  ni'  goinj  t* 
France  ?  Whence  the  inducement,  to  urge  the  annulment  of  a.  bloclcad« 
of  France,  when,  it  ..umiled,  no  American  earf.oes  could  obtahi  a  mar* 
ket  in  any  of  her  ports  i  In  fuch  a  ilate  of  things,  a  blockade  of  th« 
^nuU  of  France  would  be,  to  the  United  State«,  at  unimportant^  M 
>v(  aid  be  a  blockade  of  the  cuail  of  the  Citl'pian  feu  " 

And  fo  far  has  the  French  emperor  been  from  relaxing,  in  whoU« 
or  in  part,  theie  odious  regulations  as  to  us,  in  lonlequence  of  our  fub« 
xhittiug  to  give  up  our  EngUfh  trade,  that  they  have  been  mtide  a  fub- 
je«5t  of  i'pectal  inltruAions,  to  the  miaitker,  who  has  httn  fent  to  th« 
court  of  France.  Mr.  Monroe,  in  his  letter  of  intlruiftions  to  Mr  Bar« 
low  of  July  a6,  i8i  i,  fays, «  Your  early  and  particular  attention  will 
be  drawn  to  the  great  fubjeA  of  the  commercial  relation,  which  it  to 
fubltil,  ill  futuie,  between  the  United  States  and  France.  Tha 
PraHdent  axpctits  that  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  will  be  placedt 
in  the  ports  <rf  France,  .on  fuch  a  footinc  as  to  affori  it  a  fair  market  t 
and  to  the  induftry  and  enterprife  of  their  citizens,  4  reafoiable  enronr- 
tfgcment.  An  arrangement  to  this  effed  was  looked  for,  immediately 
alcer  the  revocation  of  the  deoees,  but  it  appears  from  the  doctunentt* 
in  this  departKcvf,  that  that  was  the  cafe  ;  on  the  contrary  that  our 
commerce  hat  heen  fuhjtfitd  to  the  greaiefl  difcouragmtnt^  er  rather ^  to  tht 
mnft  npprejjlve  rrjhaintt  j  that  the  veirek,  which  carried  cofite,  fugar,  &c. 
though  failing  diredlly  from  the  United  States  to  a  French  port,  were 
held  in  a  Untc  of  fequeflration,  on  the  principle,  that  the  trade  was 
prohibited,  and  that  the  importation  of  thefe  articles  was  not  only  un> 
lawful,  but  criminal ;  thitt  even  the  veflels,  ^which  carried  the  unquei* 
Cionable  produAlonj  of  the  United  States,  were  expofed  to  great  anil 
cxpenfivc  delays,  to  tedious  inveft'gations,  in  unufual  forms*  a«d  10  ex» 
•rlitant  dutiei.  In  fliott  that  the  ordinary  ufages  of  commerce  between 
JriaiJh  nathtij  were  abandoned." 

Again  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  fame  letter,  fays,  **  If  the  pOrts  WF 
yninre,  and  htfr  allies  are  not  opened  to  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  on  a  liberal  fcale  and  on  fair  conditions,  of  what  avail  to  thetn^ 
rt  may  be  alked,  will  be  the  revocation  of  the  Britilh  orders  in  c^nncili 
In  contending  for  the  revocation  of  tiiele  orders,  fo  far  as  it  was  an 
«bjcft  of  intercft,  tht  United  States  had  in  view,  a  trade  to  the  contt* 
jftent.  It  was  u  fair  legitimate  objeft  and  worth  contending  for,  while 
France  ntcoUra^ed  it.  i3ut  if  fhe  Ihuts  her  ports  on  our  commerce,  or 
•ihurdens  it  with  heavy  duties,  that  motive  is  at  end  "  He  again  fays* 
**  yott  will  fee  the  injuftice  arid  endeavor  to  prevpnt  the  neceifity  of 
bringing  in  return  for  Amei  ican  cargoes,  fold  in  France,  an  tcp\t\  a« 
snount  in  the  produce  or  manufailures  of  that  country.  No  fitch  obliga« 
1  ion  is  impofed  on  French  mei  chants,  trading  to  the  United  Statef. 
They  enjoy  the  liberty  of  felling  their  cargoes  for  cafh,  and  taking; 
!nacJ:  what  they  pkufeU  from  tbi»  country  in  rcturoi    It  4i  ift^driQpi^ik* 


s 


33       •-,.;, 

lie,  tliat  the  trade  he  free,  that  alt  American  cUtr oil 
jpliceJ  on  the'  r.iin«  tooting,  uiid,  with  this  viev, ,  t'ut  tij- 


*  if 


.  ^«Bed  in  ft  hk 
iyilcm  of  c;»rr 


tying  It  on,bj^  lictncti,  granted  by  French  ageiiti  be  inmtcdiiitely  anul)« 

'Vht  defpatchci  from  Mr.  Barlow,  by  the  Hornet,  moft  clearly  fljov 
that  the  txpeflitlioHi  of  our  government  have  not  only  not  been  realized, 
hut  that  even  the  {ir^mifei  obtiti>ieiU  by  our  niiniiler  arc  of  a  very  unf.it* 
ikftk'iory  nature  Indeed  wkUe  Donaparte  i*  fending  armies  to  tie 
north  of  Europe,  to  taVe  prlfcfllon  of  the  ports  on  the  Baltic,  atH  bjr 
hit  fad  filling  fquudrons,  is  hurnin);  American  vefTcU^  on  the  Ailar.iic^ 
all  expedatiuns  of  a  free   rade  from  France,  mud  be  worfc^han  vain. 

Notwithllanding  the  violence  of  the  belli|>crentj,  were  tht  relit  iifiionV' 
of  our  awn  government  removed,  the  commerce  of  tlic  United  State* 
might  be  extenfive  and  proiilable.  It  is  well  known  that  from  the 
gallantry  of  our  fcamen,  if  merchant  vclTcls  were  uiloweJ  to  arm  itnd 
itirociatc,  for  lielf  defence,  they  would  be  able  to  repel  many  unlawful 
aggrelioni.  The  danger  of  capture  would  he  dimiuilhed,  and  in  reU< 
tion  to  one  of  the  belligerents  at  lead,  the  riik|  under'i'uch  circumdan* 
cciif  would  foot)  be  mcafurcd  by  infurunce. 

The  difcuffions  of  our  government,  in  relation  to  the  Briiifli  orders 
in  couacil,  give  a  currency  to  the  opinion  tliat  they  exid,  without  any 
modiHcation  according  to  the  extent  of  the  fird  principles,  on  which 
they  were  iffued.  And  the  French  minider,  in  his  lad  comoaunica- 
tion,  on  this  fabjci^,  made  to  the  Confetvative  Senate,  on  the  loth  of 
March  lad,  fpeaks  of  the  blockade  of  the  loth  of  May  1806  *'  ai  nnihi* 
latitg  the  rights  of  all  maritime  dates  and  putting  under  interdiction 
whole  coads  and  empires  ;"  and  of  the  orders  in  council  of  1807,  as 
though  dill  fubfiding,  and  that  according  to  their  principles  all  veffels 
were  compellid  *'  to  pay  a  tribute  to  England,  and  all  cargoes  a  tutid* 
lo  her  cudoms."  What  the  real  extent  and  principle  of  the  blockade 
•f  May  1806  were^have  already  bten  explained.  With  refpedl  to  the 
BritiOi  orders  of  1807,  tlic  truth  is,  that  by  a  new  order  iffued  on  the 
aoth  of  April  1809,  they  were  revoked  or  modified,  and  the  obnoxious 
trahfit  duty  called  by  the  French  Minider  "  tribute  aad  tari£F*'  was 
done  away.  The  new  order  of  April  i8o9>>  which,  is  now  the  fubje<5l  of 
complaint  is  limited  to  **  all  the  ports  and  places  as  far  north  M  the 
fiver  Ems,  inclufively,  under  the  government  dyling  itfelf  the 
Kingdom  of  Hullandv  and  all  ports  and  places  under  the  govern* 
ment  of  France,  together  with  t!ie  colonies,  plantations^  and  fettle* 
knents  in  the  poffefHon  of  thofe  governments  refpe<Jlively,  and  all  port& 
and  places  in  the  northern  parts  of  Italy,  to  be  reckoned  fram  the 
ports  of  Orbitello  and    Pefaro,  inclufively  " 

The  effied  then  of  the  Bcitifh  orders  of  blockade,  now  ii)  fprce^  is 
to  deprive  us  of  the  commerce  of  France,  Holland  and  a  part  of  It- 
"iAj.  Ahd  thay  leave  open  to  us  the  commerce  of  all  the  red  of 
the  wqrld  What  that  is  fome  edimat^  may  be  formed  by  recur, 
'rence  to  the  fubjoined  table,  nthich  exhibits  the  date  of  onr  com* 
nwrce  during  1806  and  1S07— The  two  lad  years  antecedent  to  the 
«peratian  of  our  redn<Jtive  fydem.  By  that  table  it  appears  that  the 
faliK  af  tha  exports  of  our  dam«(Uc 'produdts  tv  France)  Halluid  ami 


•; ' 


•» 


n 


A 


^>. 


'/•:  ' 


'»' . 


;% 


V'v» 


■..  .4:.'' 


■(■■■'■  ,  r 


f- 


-_i-vir.,. 


ipp 


1^ 


•'^■r' 


i^M 


,.^-^ 


>-'":lv'->^'>'. 


'■■^■Al 


H 


■m 


'm- 


«^ 


t. 


'^ 


•  d . 


n 


■'?•: 


V. ,      Italy  was  during  tbofe  two  jr«aw,*  at  an  average  only  of  about  Jix  ifid 

'■'    '^  «  half  million  t  of  dollars.   Whereas  the  average  of  our  don^fftic  exports^ 

to  all  other  parts  of  the  worldi  and  which  are  dow  left  free,  to  us  not- 

tirithftanding  the  effeA  of  the  Britifh  orders  iri  council  exceed  thirty' 

tight  milliont  I     So  ext^nfive  a  commercef  it  is  propofed  to  Airrender^ 

\  r  yi  for  the  rctlrifted  trade  the  French  Emperor  will  allow.     A  trade  but- 

i]  thened  by  impolitiots,  or  harrafled  by  vexations,  from  French  domin- 

]^,  ation,  and  French  DouMtiitrt,  or  Cuftom  houfe  ofBcers,  in  almoft  every. 

Import  of  continental  Europe. 

As  in  the  fcale  of  tfommetclal  advantages  Prance  has  little  to  offer* 
Sn  returui^for  the  many  obvious  hazards,  ivhich  according  to.thewifl^ 
of  her  Emperor,  the  UtitedStates  arc  about  to  incur  ;  fo,  in  the  moral 
y^f  eftimate  of  national  profpeft"!,  there  is  little  charafter  to  gain,  or  conib- 
lation  to  expedl,  in  the  dark  fcene  of  things,  on  ivhich  we  are  enter- 
ing. 
.^.  ,.-__,  y^      A  nation,  like  the  United  Spates,  happy  jn  Its  great  local  relai- 
;•';;,/".  '.'^  tions  ;  removed  from  the  bloody  theatre  of  Europe  ;  w»th  a  maritime! 
'ik''';\j(-h.  border,  opening  vaft  fields  for  enterprixe  ;«»with  terHtftrial  poiTeifionsy 
'-'-     i.J,  exceeding  every  real  Want  ; — its  jfirefides  fafe  }-*-its  altars  undefiled  ;-*• 
from  invafion  nothing  to  fear  )— from  acquidtion  nothing  to  hope  ;>— 
liow  Hiall  ftich  a  nation  look  to  heaven  for  its  i  liles,  while  throwing 
away,  as  though  they  tvere  worthlefs,  all  the  bleflingi  and  joys,  which 
peace  and  fuch  a  diftinguii.  id  lot,  include  ?  With  •  'hat  prayers  can  it 
addrefs  the  moft  high,  wh#n  it  prepares,  to  pout  forth  its  youthful 
tage,  upon  a  neighboring  people  {  from  whofe  ftrength,  it  has  nothing 
tc   dread,  from  whofe  devaftation  it  has  nothing  to  gi^n  ? 
<>        If  our  ills  Were  of  a  nature,  that  war  would  remedy  |  if  War  Would 
.  ;   compenfate  any  of  cur  loffes  ;  or  remove  any  of  our  complaints,  there 
!'<  ■;  siiight  be  fome  alleviation  of  the  ftiiSFertng,  in  ths  chafin  of  the  prof- 
peft.     But  how  will  war  upon  the   land,  proteA  commerce  upon  thei 
ocean  ?  What  balm  has  Catiada  for  wounded  honour  ?    How  are  our 
^'V^  jnariners  benefitted  by  a  war,  which  expofes  thofe,  who  are  free,  with- 
out promifing  releafe  to  thofe  who  are  imprefled  I 

*  Vklue  of  articles  of  domcfiic  produce,  exported  toalltbevorld* 

lo  1807. 
Whole  Attount  D.48,699>i9* 


W'-."^' 


•  •f.-i: 


*»     !> 


t^- 


la  1K06, 
Whole  Amouat  D  41,453,7  j)P 


>.^' 


To  France  3,136,698 
To  Hollaod  now 

part  off  ranee  5,609,964 

To  Italy  185.346 

7,0S3,008 


To  England  a&J 

dcpeode&cie*        19,179,981 
To  »H  Mhei-  parti 

of  the  world        15,051,740 


34,«3«.7»i 


»,7i6,i4< 

i,098,a34 

•io,»57 

I 

«,o64,*3» 


»7.9«if'*77 
14,719,88:, 

4».634.9*<» 


^ 


!* 


'.^■# 


» 


m 


.^r-'^~^t 


.¥•  ^ 


^ir.'H>: 


#■ 


But  it  is  fald  that  war  is  demanded  by  honori  Is  national  honor  'A 
]>rincipley  which  thirftt  after  veneeance*  and  is  appeafed,  only  ,  by 
hlood  ;  whic^  trampling  on  the  hopes  of  man,  and  fpurning  the  law 
of  Godf  untaught  by  wha>^  is  pad  and  carelefs  of  what  is  to  comc^ 
precipitatesi^felf  into  any  folly,  or  inadnefs,  to  gratify  a  felfilh  vanity, 
or  to  fatiate  ibme  unhallowed  rage  i  IF  honour  demands  a  war  with 
England,  what  opiate  lulls  that  honor  to  fleep  over  the  wrongs  done 
us  by  France  ?  On  land,  robkieries,  feizures.  imprifonments,  by  French 
authority}  at  fea,  pillage,  finkings,  burnings,  under  French  orders. 
Thefe  are  notorious.  Are  they  unfelt  becaufe  they  are  French  i  Is 
any  alleviation  to  be  fouad  in  :he  correfpondence  and  humiliations 
of  the  prefear  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Unif^d  States  at  the 
French  Court  i  In  his  communicatioBs  to  our  government,  as  before 
the  public,  where  Is  the  caufe  for  now  feledling  France,  as  the  friend  af 
our  country  and  England  as  the  enemy  ? 

If  no  illufions  of  pcrfonal  feeling,  and  no  folicitude  for  elevation  of 
place,  (hould  be  permitted  to  mifguide  the  public  councils  ;  if  it  is, 
indeed,  honarable  for  the  true  ftatefman  to  confult  the  public  welfare, 
to  provide,  in  tr^tfa,  for  the  public  defence,  andimpofe  no  yoke  of  bon- 
dage  ;  with  full  knowledge  of  the  wrongs  inflit^ed  by  the  French, 
ought  the  govenunenf  of  this  country,  to  aid  th€  French  caufe,  by 
engaging  in  war,  againft  the  enemy  of  France  i  To  fupply  the  wafte 
of  fuch  a  war  and  to  meet  the  approprjatiuas  of  millions  extraordinary, 
for  the  war  ezpen3itures,  muft  our  fellow  citizens,  throughout  the 
union,  be  doomed  to  fuftain  the  burden  of  war  taxes,  in  various  forms 
of  diredb  and  indiredt  impofition  i  For  official  information,  refpedflini; 
the  millioDs  deemed  requifite  for  charges  of  the  war;  for  like  infor- 
mation, refbeAing'  the  nature  and  amount  of  taxes,  deemed  requifite  for 
drawing  thofe  millions  from  the  community*  it  is  here  mfficient  to  lefar 
to  eftimates  and  reports  made  by  t&e  Secretary  of  the  Treafury  and 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  means,  and  to  the  body  af  refolations, 
paffed  in  March  laft,  in  the  lloufe  of  Reprefehtatives.  >  r 

It  would  be  fome  relief  to  our  anxiety,  if  amends  were  likely  tO '^ 
be  made,  for  the  weaknefs  and  wildnefs  of  the  proje^,  by  the  prudence 
of  the  preparation*  But  in  no  afpe£l  of  this  anomalous  affair  can 
We  trace  the  great  and  diftindive  properties  of  wifdom*  There 
is  feen  a  headlong  rufhing,  into  difficulties,  with  little  calculation 
about  the  means  and  little  concern  about  the  qonfequences.  With  a 
aavy  comj^aratively  nominal,  we  are  about  to  enter  into  the  lifts  a- 
gainft  t}ie'  greateft  Marine  on  the  globe.  With  a  commerce,  unpro- 
tedled  and  fpread  over  every  ocean,  we  propofe  to  make  profit  by  pri- 
vateering, and  for  this  endanger  the  wealth,  of  which  we  are  honed 
proprietors;;  An  invafion  is  ^reatened  of  the  colonies  of  a  power, 
which,  without  putting  a  new  (hip  into  aommiffion^  or  taking  another 
foldier  into  pay,  can  fpread  alarm,  or  defolation  along  the  extenfivr ,, 
range  of  our  feaboard.  The  refources  of  our  country,  in  their  oaturai 
ftate,  great  beyond  our  wants,  or  our  hopes  are  impaired  by  the  effi:<9: 
of  artificial  reftraints.  Before  adequate  fortifications  are  prepared  for 
domeftic  defence,  before  men,  or  money  are  provided  for>i  war  of  at- 
tack, whyh^en  iDto  themidti  of  that  awful  cor.teH;  which  is  la^inp 

4 


*•' 


^p^' 


-ift: 


-■»■ 


* 


i 
■^ 


h 


! 


K  .     r^:U-i  - 


^>»^■;> 


0^ 


'N'^i;.. 


..:..«;' 


waftc  Earvpe  ?*  It  cann«t  be  concealed,  that  to  oigage,  ia  the  prefett 
war  againft  England  is  to  plac6  ourfelves  on  the  fide  of  France  ;  and 
cxpoies  us  to  the  vafliilage  of  ftates»  ferring  under  the  banners  of  the 
French  Emperor. 

The  underfigned  cannot  refrain  from  aflcing,  what  are  the  United 
States  to  gain  by  this  war  i  Wilt  the  gratification  of  fome  privateerC 
,  men  compenfate  the  n^tioa  for  that  fweep  of  our  legitimate  com* 
znerce  by  the  exteuded  marine,  of  our  enemy,  which  this  defperatc  ?.A 
invites.  Will  Canada  compenfate  the  middle  ftates,  for  New  York,{ 
or  the  weftern  dates  for  New  Orleans  ?  Let  us  nOt  be  deceived^  A 
war  of  invafion  may  invite  a  retort  of  invafion.  When  we  vifit  tlie 
pcacertble.  and,  as  to  us  innocent,  colonies ^of  Great  Britain  with  the 
liorrors  of  War  can  we  be  aiTured  that  our  owncoaft  Will  not  be  vifit* 
cd  with  like  horrors  ? 

At  a  crifis  of  the  world  fuch  as  the  prefent,  and  under  impreflions 
inch  as  thefe,  the  anderfigned  could  not  conftder  the  war,  in  whichr 
the  United  States,  have,  in  iecret  been  precipitatedi  as  necefiary^  9r  re* 
•uired  by  any  moral  duty,  or  any  political  expediency.* 

GEORGE  SULLIVAN, 

MARTIN  CHITTENDEN, 

ABIJH.  BIGELOW, 

ELIJAH  BRIGHAM, 

WILLIAM  ELY, 

JOSIAH  QUINCY, 

WILLIAM  REED, 

SAML.  TAGG.tRT, 

LABANWHEATON, 

LEONARD  WHITE, 

RICHARD  JACKSON,  Jun. 

ELISHA  R.  POTTER, 

EPAPHRODITUS  CHAMPION, 

jNO.  DAVENPORT,  Jun. 

LYMAN  LAW, 

TOXA.  O.  MOSELY, 

TIMO.  PITKIN,  Jun. 

lEWIS  B.  STURGES, 

BENJAMIN  TALLMADGE, 

H.  BLEEKER, 

JAMES  EMOTT, 
,  ASA  FITCH, 

THOS    R    GOLDi 

JAMES  MILNOR,  ' 

H.  M.  RIDGELY, 

e    GOLDSBOROUGH, 

PHILIP  B;  KEY, 

PHILIP  STUART, 

JOHN  BAKER, 

JAMES  BRECKENRIDGE, 

JOS.  LEWIS.  Jun. 

THOS    WILSON, 

A.  M'BRYDE, 
.     J«S.  PEAKSON. 


] 
] 
J 
1 
s 
1 

3 


T 


«7 


■V    '*  .■( 


NOTE  A. 

^aHtit}f»fpartic»Ur  urtiehttthe  prtduee  of  the  Umied  Statet,  nport^t 

from  \%oo  to  liiif  viz  t 


'>' 


■-••■'..  .1 


""^i- 


COTTON. 
Xo  alt  parts  tfthi  world.        To  Frantt. 

Ibf. 

none.  ^ 

844,728 
1,907,849 
3,821,840 
5,946,848 
4,504,329 
7,082,118 
6,114,358 
2,087,450 
none  dire^» 

do. 

do. 


. 

lbs. 

l8e« 

17,719,80$ 

1801 

.20,911,201 

180S 

a7»5o»»»7S 

1803 

41, 1 05,622 

X804. 

38,118,041 

1805 

40.383»49« 

1806 

37,49»»*8a 

l8o/ 

6^,612,737 

ilo«  -; 

i2,o^,34« 

1809* 

53,210,225 

i8iof 

93,874,201 

1814 

^2,186 

To  England^ 
lbs. 

18,953,065 

23>473.9*I 

«7»757.307 

»5»77o»74« 
32,571,071 

24,256,457 

53,180,211 

7.99«.S9J 

»3»365.9^7 
36,171  915 

46,872^52 


**■ 


1  •      ,   1- 

i8o« 

1 801 

X802 

. 

1 80  J 
1804^ 
1805 
i8o€ 

1807 

xtot 

1809 
«8i* 

-  /  V 

h  V 

181* 

""'  ■■  ■ '.'-..  ' . 

* 

T»  tdlpartt  ofthe  viorli. 

Tierces,  \ 

112,056 

94,866 

79,828 

81,838 

78.385 

5M3» 

102,627 

94,69a 

9»22» 
,  116,907 

:     >3M4» 


To  aUpartt  ofthe  >mt/d» 

Hhd^   ; 
x8o»  78,68* 


RICE. 
To  France, 


*■*• 


Tierces, 
none. 
2,724 
7,186 

3.11^ 

.    6,014 

1,601 

3»39* 
3,006 

aone  direil. 


To  England  ilf  Cok, 
Tierces. 


.C<^: 


77.547 
65,022 

37.393 
33,200 

24,975 
84.737 
39,398 

37,417 
4,298 

32.138 
31,118 

.  40.045 


\cco. 

'i  9  France* 

Hhds. 

I4J 


To  England  l^  Colo, 
Hhds. 

37»79» 


*  la  180^,  ia  confeqaigce  ofthe  emlMrgo  tod  noninrercoarfe  «d,  4  millions 
pouadt  of  Coctoo  were  flipped  for  Madeira,  10  and  n  half  millioat  to  ihe  Floridas, 
6  nullfoiM  CO  Pijal  and  other  Asores,  i  mijUioa  aod  three  qttarten  to  Portugal,  & 
■•  milUooa  toSvodeu. 

t  i8eo,  about  4  milHoiM  of  ppuadi  of  Cotton  were  fliipped  Ht  Spain ,  3  miilioai 
for  Porta^d.  %  miUtoaa  for  Madeira,  lo  millioat  for  Florida*,  a  iniHioo*  for  Ea- 
rope  i^neraily,  4  oulIio«4  fo*  '"7*1  Md  the  Aaores,  14  mitliona  for  Denmark  tad 
llorwaj.  alid  5  millioat  flor  Sweden. 

I  Ik  itts,  9  miUioai  «r  FOW^  •'  *ottaa  were  ftippcd  for  Rafia. 


l-«Wtaj!«i»^i;i»&'?iiij|^^ 


'~^^*n^^^9^*^,^'m- 


•9 


Hhdf. 

StOoS 
l6,2i5 

9,8 1 J 
>4.<523 

IJ.I35 

9,18a 

a>876 

566 

none  diteft. 

do. 

569 

or  Smoked. 
To  France. 
QuintalSf 
none. 
1,687 
27,067 

M9» 

3.76^ 

73.004 

» 9.347 
87,654 

16,144 

Bone.' 

?8>622 


PICKLED  FISH. 
None  exported  to  European  France. 


Hlidf. 

|8oi 

><i3.758 

t802 

77.7*1 

1803 

8,6,*9i 

1804 

83.343 

1805 

1806 

71,25* 

93.i8# 

1807 

,62,232 

1808 

9'J7« 

1809 

53.921 

1816 

84t»34 

1811 

35.S29 

FISH,  Dried 

To 

all  parts  of  the  niOorld. 

Quintals. 

lloo 

392.7*7 

|8oi 

41C  948 

|8o2 

440,925 

1803 

46i,^7» 

1804 

)      567,828 

|8oc 
1800 

5M.H? 

537.457 

1807 

473'924 
155,808 

1808 

?8o9 

345.64' 

1810 

280.80^ 

181  f 

216,387 

Hhd«. 

55.256 
29,938 
47,829 
24,700 
18,169 
26,272 

*3.047 
2,526 

8,965 
24,067 

20,342 


7*0  England  tif  C$hi 
Quint'.'  . 
141,4-0 
111,030 
92,679 

7«.495 
76^822 

55.676 
66,377 

55.242 
26,998 

66,566 

5^45< 
33*242 


I 


FLOUR. 


^     % 

fff  all  pari  t  tfthe  nverid% 

To  Franoe. 

Bbl«. 

Bbls. 

1800 

653.052 

none. 

3  801 

1,102,444 

none. 

li02 

1, 156,24$ 

14,628 

1803 

>.3»»#85S 

18,045 

1804 

810,008 

I.P7f 

i8o5 

777»5J3 

noncf 

|8c6 

782,724 

iiW. 

1807 

1,249,819 

none. 

1808 

'263,813 

none. 

J  809 

846,247 

none. 

i8io 

798,43  i 

none. 

»8u 

V.»*4t5oi2 

h9^ 

7«  Ehiland  ilf  CoU. 
Bbls. 

365.259 
758023 

484,886 

502,005^ 

a58,5«5 
a35ti7< 
308,048 
619,918 

73.084 
230,82a 

i  192,477 

'        ?75?m 


/■vv     , 


it; 


^9 


Uhi 


V' 


r 


NAVAL  STORES—TAR. 

m 

7i 

aliparlt  of  the  world. 

T#  France*        To 

BHghMdtifCoU. 

BbU. 

Bbls. 

Bbb. 

1800 

59.4»» 

none. 

58,793 

i8oi 

67,487 

none. 

«2,63» 

180a 

37.497 

797 

«»,S3» 

1803 

78,989 

none. 

75.29^ 

1804 

58,181 

do. 

45.aio 

1805 

7*.745 

do. 

59>439 

i8o< 

ia»7a3       .'V 

v,.^*/--f  :'■'''**>• 

50,66$ 

1R07 

59,282 

■''>^>ji_^'       do. 

5«.»3» 

1808 

18,764 

do. 

.«  7,700 

J  809 

1 28,090 

do. 

33»o7* 

1810 

87»3»» 

do. 

50.02  c 

i8xx 

149.796 

do. 

"3.03% 

TURPENTINE 

1800 

;   V           33.' «9 

none. 

3«,5«o 

J801  -''■ 

35.4>3 

do. 

35»HJ 

1803 

38.764 

do. 

36,769 

1803 

61,178 

do. 

<o,73» 

1804 

77.825 

do. 

76,950 

X805 

95,64© 

do. 

94»3a» 

x8o6 

74»73i 

do* 

7»,854 

1807 

53.45 » 

40. 

54107 

1808 

17,061 

.  :,;:■':.>' iHr^> 

i7,oof 

J  809 

•77.398 

06. 

22,885 

1810 

62,912 

^p' 

36,995 

igii 

100,242 

■'■^.:y-4»*\- 

.:,.;:,•'•  ^■''•■•:-''-'^^':  LUMBER.        :-;-.••• -V  :-.-■-  '.^ 

,!.  Of  the  vaft  quantities  of  Lumber  exported  from  1809  to  i8iX)  on* 

^J?*^  >  /^    r*  'Jy  *  ^cw  Staves  and  Heading  went  to  France,  as  followsi  vijs, , .  / 

Tbou/andt  of  Staws  and  Heading, 

-:;v."-''^-'f ;.■'■■: '^  ■■  ■•  1 801  ■  '  6,349' 

1803  -  S57 

1804  '    321 

1805  f     ^     4o«» 

1806  7i€ 
.    ;   ».      1807               „             '        A       V            ^,4. 

,  i8o8  ,  105 


